1994 (2019–…): Season 1, Episode 1 - El sucesor - full transcript

I see a Mexico hungry and thirsty
for justice.

Today, in the Mexico of 1994
that we're experiencing,

we have an urgent need
to restore law and order,

to restore a sense of civility
and respect for life.

The way we see it,
the year 1994 started in 1992,

and ended halfway
through 1995.

Mexico was aggrieved,
it had been wronged, vexed.

It was a dark year... in my opinion.

Mexico suddenly became
brutal, violent, and dark.

Hurray for the Institutional
Revolutionary Party!

-Hurray for Mexico!
-Hurray!



I think Mexico wasn't ready
for a change so drastic

as the one he wanted
to bring about.

I assure you, here in Tijuana
and in Baja California,

we're going to win!

What began as a dream
full of hope,

ended in a brutal awakening
of unforeseen problems.

If Luis Donaldo had been president,
things would be different now.

I couldn't see whom the bullet hit,
or even if it came from my gun.

They shot him!

A NETFLIX ORIGINAL DOCUMENTARY SERIES

...Attorney General's Office.

Two shots: one in the head,
another in the stomach.

-There's no official statement.
-...coward.

He was attacked,
receiving two gunshot injuries.



There's another version going around

saying he may have received
a third gunshot in the head.

There's absolute secrecy.

I see a Mexico hungry
and thirsty for justice.

The treaty... the best paid...

The flower of the word will not die.

For all the people, light.
For all the people, everything.

State problems, scams and more.

...opened fire.

For Mexicans I state my commitment
to reform power.

Mexico! Mexico! Mexico!

Salinas! Salinas! Salinas!

If you don't mind, let's begin
with your presentation.

Would you like a summary
of my curriculum vitae?

My name is
Carlos Salinas de Gortari.

I was President of Mexico
from 1988 to 1994.

Salinas! Salinas! Salinas!

This historic moment
is truly majestic.

The arrival of incoming president
Carlos Salinas de Gortari.

Also clapping, outgoing president
Miguel de la Madrid.

I hereby solemnly swear
to uphold and enforce

the Political Constitution
of the United Mexican States

and to serve as its president,
as per the will of the people.

Were I to fail, may the nation
demand it from me.

Machiavelli said that reformers

faced a huge disadvantage:

because the changes
they propose,

often take a while to impact
those who'll benefit from them,

while the negative effects
of reforms are felt immediately.

I was told about a young man
who was returning from

getting his Master's degree
in the U.S.

I was told he was
not only very talented,

but also socially
and politically restless.

I found quite attractive
this description

of a young man named:
Luis Donaldo Colosio.

I met with him and immediately
asked him to be my collaborator.

I come from a small town,
Magdalena, Sonora.

-My father raised me...
-Magdalena de Kino.

Exactly.

My dad was Mayor
of Magdalena.

He told me one of his great joys
was walking down the street

with more friends than he had
before taking office.

He raised you as a PRI member
and to continue in the party.

My dad taught me humility.

To keep my feet
firmly on the ground.

-To stay grounded.
-Must be hard, in your sphere.

That's why I call him
all the time.

I first met Donaldo in 1983.

SOLIDARITY'S GENERAL COORDINATOR

And since that first year,
I was able to notice

the high esteem, the respect,
and the affection

that Carlos Salinas felt
for Luis Donaldo Colosio.

He was an extremely
discreet guy.

COLOSIO'S PRIVATE SECRETARY

He clearly understood the role
he had to play at any given time.

In 1988, I came back
from Oxford University.

When I came back to Mexico,
I wanted to get into politics.

POLITICIAN AND COLOSIO'S FRIEND

I'd already done small stuff,
so I sought out Luis Donaldo.

I wanted to meet him,
no one else,

because it seemed to me
he was a genuine guy.

An honest man.

I got the impression he was
a man of integrity.

He wanted to change politics,
the whole Mexican political system.

Donaldo was a true democrat,
which made him an oddity.

He strove for renewal.

That's what drew me to him
when we first met.

Fellow PRI party members,
young party members,

let's give a warm welcome

to those whom this council
have chosen to lead our party!

♪ You can see it, you can feel it
We have new party leaders! ♪

As leaders, Luis Donaldo Colosio
and Rafael Rodríguez Barrera

will reinforce the revolutionary
commitment of our national leader

and President of Mexico,
Carlos Salinas de Gortari.

Jorge de la Vega Domínguez,
as President,

and Manuel Camacho Solís
as General Secretary,

have made their mark
in our political institution.

To the men and women
of the PRI party,

a few moments ago,
when I was sworn in,

I fully exercised my freedom.

We are committed
to reform the party,

as demanded and required
by the general populace,

which are the basis
of our organization.

PRI must remain
at the forefront of politics,

or risk disowning its own
historic foundations.

We don't want PRI members
comfortable in their inertia,

but striving towards change.

Within PRI, there was an old guard
who were bothered by Colosio

because of his projects
of reform and change.

They thought he was too young
to handle the enormity of the job.

They placed bets about
when he would fail.

But he stood his ground,
got things done, did his job.

And a little over a year later,
they started calling him "sir,"

as well as "Party President"
and "Leader."

Unlike all the other party leaders
we'd had until then...

COLOSIO'S CAMPAIGN STAFF

...he wasn't part of Mexico's
oligarchy.

He didn't come from wealth,
or a family of politicians.

He wasn't privileged.

He got to where he was because
of his hard work and character.

Back then, there were
two kinds of actors

in PRI's political system.

The "dinosaurs" rejected change,
and wanted PRI to be an appendix

of the government
and the current president.

Whereas us reformists
wanted to change everything.

I wanted to change everything,
even the party's name.

Mexico wasn't ready
for such a drastic change

as the one he wanted
to bring about.

He was going to shatter
from the inside

the regime of privilege
and injustice we lived in.

So, you want democracy.
Which democracy?

-Political democracy.
-According to PRI's definition?

Or the democracy that
maybe we could--

Democracy as a way of life,
as a way of thinking

where citizen engagement

through a party like ours,
results in collective well-being.

I guess Luis Donaldo
must have thought,

together with party leaders
and President Salinas himself,

that the PRI party
needed a change.

No wonder, given that the 1988
election results had been contested,

which casted doubt, so to say,
on the old party structures.

The party currently in power
has shown us today

its determination to contravene
the will of the people.

ACTIVIST

All these are marked in favor of
the Institutional Revolutionary Party.

Our community received
many letters

addressed to dead people,
thanking them for their vote.

My grandma is still voting.

My grandma, my father, everyone.
And they're all dead.

Donaldo was Salinas'
campaign chairman,

and he knew that PRI
was rotten to the core.

He, Salinas, and Manuel Camacho
experienced it quite brutally

during the '88 elections.

In fact, Salinas probably
didn't win the election.

JOURNALIST AND COLOSIO'S FRIEND

Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas did.

So, they had to steal
the elections.

Afterwards, we found out...

PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATE (1988)

...that votes weren't tallied
in 45% of the polling places.

Ballot boxes were stolen.

A number of ballots ended up
in ravines and landfills.

Opposing party representatives
were kicked out at gunpoint, etc.

What do you say to the accusations
of fraud by the opposition?

As I've said, it's nothing but
dirty campaign tactics.

But I trust these elections will be
clean, transparent, and reliable.

Sir, this way.

This way.

President Gortari is scared,

because despite bribing voters
with cash and beans,

they have turned
their backs on him.

And rightly so.

Back in 1976, there was only one
presidential candidate from PRI.

Twelve years later, in 1988,
we had a tight presidential race.

But PRI wasn't used to
that kind of competition.

I declared the one-party era
officially over,

so the party would see
that times had changed.

Our party and our country
have lived in peace.

We haven't been involved
in revolutions, coups, or wars.

Sixty years of peace
without any issues.

PRI'S HISTORIC LEADER

We haven't had magnicides,
like in other countries.

I remember thinking about
the case of Mexico

along these lines:

Mexico is the perfect dictatorship.

It's a camouflaged dictatorship.

But if you dig deep, it does have
all elements of a dictatorship...

LITERATURE NOBEL PRIZE

...permanence.
Not of a man, but of a party.

An undefeatable party that allows
enough space for criticism,

as long as it's the useful kind
that makes it look democratic.

However, it suppresses all criticism
that threatens its permanence.

Colosio once told me that PRI,
as a party and as a system,

needed a change.

I think that he was driven
by the strong belief

that the time for PRI
authoritarianism

and particularly, the time
for PRI corporativism,

was wholly outdated.

From the start, he wanted to reform

and restore democracy in the party.

Fellow men and women
members of PRI.

Here and now, we honor the will
of the PRI members in B.C.

That of proposing
to the people,

the candidacy of Margarita Ortega
for the governor's seat,

for the 1989-1995 term.

Victory to Ruffo.

GOVERNOR OF BAJA CALIFORNIA PAN
(1989-1995)

Ruffo! Ruffo! Ruffo!

Remember, citizens, let us
take control of our destiny.

Let's say no to corruption,
no to lies...

The challenge wasn't
the economy,

but overturning
the political system.

The rule of law didn't matter,
instead, there was

a quid-pro-quo system
with those in power.

It's true that the polls
didn't favor us.

Luis Donaldo had sent
a delegate to the state.

A political delegate.

He had instructed him,
obviously,

to take over the campaign
and win the governor's seat.

However, he was also very clear:
"All votes must be wholly legal."

"I'm conflicted, Agustín,"
he told me.

"My job is to win elections.

My job is for the party
to come out on top.

I want to win elections,
and for the party to do well.

That's my responsibility.

But I know that for Mexico to change,
PRI must eventually lose."

It was shocking to hear that
from PRI's national leader.

A week usually passed between
the election and the tallying.

So, the ballots held in schools
had to be kept under guard.

We escorted the ballots
to the collection points,

as there were attempts
to steal the ballot boxes.

Still, people defended the boxes
risking their own well-being.

Every city had 24-hour guards,
and they were all citizens.

-Say it!
-Ruffo!

-Louder! I can't hear you!
-Ruffo!

On July 4, I was standing
on a dais, giving a speech.

We had a small TV
next to us.

And a lady pulled my pants
and said: "Excuse me,

Colosio just announced that
the polls don't favor them."

That's when I thought:
"Goodness, we've won."

Mexico emerges today
with the stability of a country

where party differences are resolved
peacefully in the polls.

This fact alone is positive,
as change always is.

TV HOST

PRI lost, but Mexico won.

For the first time in its history,
PAN won an election.

So, naturally, PRI members
reacted dramatically.

Donaldo bravely came out
to acknowledge the results,

which led to some within PRI
to demand his resignation.

Luis Donaldo and the PRI party
conceded the election

to PAN's first candidate
for a governor's seat,

in agreement, of course,
with the President of Mexico.

Donaldo acknowledged
and accepted the results.

Times are changing.

The winds of democracy
blow through most of the world.

We have recent examples of this.
And we, as a party,

are ready to bet everything
on democracy.

In this new stage for PRI,
diversity defines us.

Competition unifies us, democracy
and good will strengthen us.

We must acknowledge that
the polls in the governor's race

favor the candidate
from the PAN party.

It happened in such a way
that instead of becoming

a disadvantage for PRI,

it turned into an expression
of a new stage

that PRI is going through
and that we want to encourage.

NATIONAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE
WE ARE PRI

LUIS DONALDO COLOSIO BUILDING

PRI must regain its capacity
for youth engagement.

To all our young members,
I offer this plea:

point out our mistakes
and also offer solutions.

We must acknowledge
this new reality for the party.

Power can't be conquered
through an inept party.

Our party isn't inept, it fights,
and we're not in crisis.

Either you believe in the party,
or you don't belong here.

To those who want the power,
come take it, if you can!

His deep-seated beliefs
on reform,

and Luis Donaldo's
urge for democracy,

resulted in the 14th
General Assembly,

where PRI's old statutes
were thoroughly revised.

The opportunity was seized
by a new generation of us

who share the same beliefs.

We've assumed our responsibility
to reform the PRI party.

These are the party members
who'll create a new PRI.

The effort that has led us
to this assembly was worth it.

It was an oasis in the recent history
of the PRI party.

Nothing similar comes to mind.
And he presided over it.

I think that it gave him
a lot of political strength.

And it paved the way

for him to leave his position
as party leader and join the cabinet.

As party leader, he sought me out
to either chastise or guide me,

whatever it is politicians
want with journalists.

He told me that he
appreciated my writing.

"I'm interested in your point of view
because I want to be president.

I don't know how, so I want you
to help me achieve it."

I told him: "Please, I don't know
how to make presidents."

And he told me:
"That's the point."

COUNTRY COMES FIRST

Back then, the Mexican
political system

had an unwritten rule:
members of the cabinet

were especially eligible
as primary candidates.

The hooded ones,
as they were called,

were the candidates
and eventual successors.

Given that rule in politics,
he needed to be in the cabinet

if he wanted to be president,
as was certainly the case.

I invited Donaldo Colosio
to join the federal government.

I asked him to join something
we had recently created:

The Secretariat for Social
Development, or SEDESOL.

Donaldo not only joined
the Solidarity program,

he was a reliable
collaborator,

always bringing in
new ideas.

I saw it first hand when
we worked there together,

he had great enthusiasm
for every task.

Let me tell you that,
in this way,

Solidarity is closely tied with
economic transformations.

At the same time, it fosters
community engagement.

President Salinas has said
that Solidarity

is no longer a government program
and is now society's program.

LACANDONA FOREST
CHIAPAS

The Solidarity program in Chiapas
was plagued with obstruction.

SOLIDARITY COLLABORATOR

Two governors had already had
clashes with Samuel Ruiz...

BISHOP OF SAN CRISTÓBAL DE LAS CASAS

...who was a priest and adept
of the Liberation Theology.

Given that Samuel Ruiz
refused to fall in line,

these governors had stopped
all government aid to the villages

where Samuel Ruiz
had some influence.

I decided to come to Chiapas
directly from Washington,

after my official meeting
with the U.S. President,

to tell the citizens
that here, in Chiapas,

we'll redouble our efforts to ensure
the prosperity of this great state.

It was crucial that we met
with our indigenous brethren.

So, we've come here today
to tell you and assure you,

that the PRI party
has a huge debt

that we have started
and will continue to repay.

When Colosio joined the secretariat,
we had to create a press room,

and had to do press logistics
for all his events,

because expectations
were very high.

You see, it started to look like
he'd be PRI's official candidate.

There was a stiff competition
for the candidacy.

There was Manuel Camacho,
my old college classmate...

HEAD OF DEPARTMENT, MEXICO CITY

...and long-time friend.

He had done a great job
in Mexico City,

but Donaldo had experience
as a congressman,

as party leader, and now
as head of a Secretariat,

which made him more qualified
for the 1994 succession.

I'm headed to the SEDESOL office,
I'll be there soon.

Afterwards, I'll visit
the President of Mexico.

-At what time, sir?
-Later in the morning. Excuse me.

I invited Donaldo's family,
his dad, his mom,

and Sonora's governor,
Manlio Fabio Beltrones,

and Donaldo himself,
we had a lovely dinner.

Donaldo continued the tour,
I came back to Mexico City.

He was scheduled to be
in Guadalajara.

But I told him to drop by
on Saturday for a chat.

That Friday, Luis Donaldo
called me and said:

"Alfonso, do you have plans
this weekend?"

I replied: "What else?
I'm working."

I mean, we worked
every weekend.

He told me: "If you go out,
I want to ask you

to be available,
to stay in contact."

Colosio called me early
the next day.

He woke me up.

I was at the hotel and he invited me
to have breakfast at his office.

It was 6:00 or 7:00 a.m.
Either way, very early.

He said: "Alfonso, meet me
at the office at 8:00 a.m."

One minute later,

I got a call from Major Castillo,
the chief of staff,

and told me the boss said
I should wear a suit.

I looked through the window
of Durazo's office,

and saw Colosio with a general,
Domiro García Reyes.

Luis Donaldo came in
at 8:00 a.m.

We were in the SEDESOL office,
and when I opened the door,

Luis Donaldo was walking
towards me.

And he said:
"We won, man!"

He said it as he hugged me:
"We won, man!"

That's when I finally
had confirmation,

after so much speculation,

that Luis Donaldo would be
the official candidate.

He was extremely moved.

But I didn't expect to be
just as moved as he was.

That was truly

a quite special
moment of symbiosis.

A moment I still hold
as one of my most precious memories.

Today is a beautiful day.

No doubt about it.

Unity and Hope.

These are the words that
define the PRI party

through its candidate
Luis Donaldo Colosio Murrieta.

That the men and women
with whom I share ideals,

have decided to name me
as the candidate

for the Institutional
Revolutionary Party

for the presidency of Mexico,

is for me, the greatest honor.

He said: "Aren't you
congratulating me?"

I said no.

Now more serious, he asked me:
"But, why not?"

All I said was:
"I can't congratulate you,

because I hate the practice
of finger-tapping.

Salinas chose you,

but it could've been
Camacho, or Aspe."

He said: "Your words
are a hard pill to swallow.

Especially right now.

But you're right.

You're absolutely right,
this needs to change.

PRI's undemocratic ways
have got to stop."

He promised me,
I think he used these words:

"I swear that I'll do
everything I must...

absolutely anything
to help change this."

Manuel thought he should've
been included some other way...

CAMACHO SOLIS'S ADVISOR

...or that he'd been misled.

Sadly, we can't hear from him,
since he passed away.

He disagreed not with Colosio,
but the way things were done.

That day, everyone showed up,
except for Camacho,

who was very close with
Carlos Salinas.

A smart politician who thought
he should've been the next president.

Except, Salinas disagreed,
he chose Colosio.

Camacho threw a tantrum
that created many problems

we're still facing today,
and sowed chaos that year.

The next morning I met with him
and explained that his attitude

was not in line with the rules
we all played by.

There was competition,
but once PRI made a decision,

everyone had to align,
so to speak.

The fact he didn't congratulate him
went mostly unnoticed,

aside from perhaps a few
political columns.

Nothing really happened
until it did.

I aspired to the candidacy
for the PRI party

to the presidency.

I have reflected upon
what I should do and say.

I don't think Mexico's democracy
will benefit

from polarizing the political life

or creating rifts
and separations.

He was a sore loser.
He knew the rules.

Not only did he know the rules,
he had also praised them.

He could no longer remain
as mayor of Mexico City,

because that's how
the electoral process worked.

So, I offered him his old dream job,
Secretary of State, and he said yes.

I guess Salinas must've had
reasons of his own

to treat Camacho with such
obsequiousness and generosity.

I think that things changed
after their trip to China.

Some intrigue played out there,
something big.

Salinas' choice of Colosio
started to seem less firm.

He asked me: "Are you backing out?
This just got complicated.

Much more than you think,
this situation is fucked.

I think President Salinas
has been poisoned against me."

Fellow party members,

our campaign is set to triumph.

Let there be no doubt,
we're ready to compete,

and we're ready to win.

He asked me for Carlos Rojas
as his campaign chairman,

but he was in charge of
the Solidarity program.

The President told me that
Colosio asked for me,

and he was fine with it,
except I had other duties.

Given that impediment,
Donaldo, now as a candidate,

told me his second choice:
Dr. Ernesto Zedillo.

I couldn't refuse the candidate
a second time,

so I welcomed Ernesto Zedillo
as his campaign chairman.

For Colosio's collaborators,
it was surprising and upsetting

when he invited Ernesto Zedillo
to be his campaign chairman.

Ernesto Zedillo represents,
together with many of us,

the new generation
for change.

I am extremely honored
to be part of his team...

COLOSIO'S CAMPAIGN CHAIRMAN

...in the important journey
he is embarking on.

Undoubtedly, this campaign
will be victorious,

and will take him
to the presidency.

Ernesto Zedillo excelled
at organizational skills.

He also had an extremely
clear picture

of where our country's economy
should be headed.

And he also understood
the social characteristics

that Mexico should have
as a growing economy.

The government had started
a series of vital reforms.

Innovative measures that had
surprised everyone alike.

Like the free trade agreement
with the strongest economy:

The United States
and Canada.

The government program from
Salinas' administration

prioritizes a better distribution
of resources in the country.

Globalization, commercial
competitiveness, and quality

are the concepts that drive
contemporary societies.

The steel industry,
our mines.

We're starting to privatize
ports and airports.

The State can't and shouldn't try
to be the only actor,

but the conductor
of a democratic society.

We want trade, free trade,

to increase our development
in the region.

NAFTA is a series of rules agreed upon
by all three countries,

in order to buy and sell goods
and services in North America.

As consumers,
you will reap the benefits.

You'll be able to find
a wider range of products,

of better quality,
and at lower prices.

But above all else,
NAFTA means

more jobs and higher wages
for all Mexicans.

In November, 1993,

the U.S. Congress approved
the free trade agreement.

The question of whether NAFTA
would happen or not was settled

after five years of
intense negotiations,

which captured the attention
of Mexico and the entire world.

U.S. PRESIDENT
(1989-1993)

Finally, in November 1993,
the agreement was signed.

A week later, Donaldo Colosio
was officially named

as the PRI party's
presidential candidate.

There was a wave of work,
events, and awards.

I was only eight, so I didn't
fully understand it,

but I could feel that something
monumental was happening.

And my father was
at the center of all that.

COLOSIO'S SON

Today, we are gathered here
to formally submit

Luis Donaldo Colosio's candidacy
for the presidency of Mexico.

-Are you happy for your dad?
-Yes, very.

Do you think this is a very
important day for him?

That's an understatement.

Tell us about your
family life, ma'am.

Until a few days ago,

it was rather quiet,
I would say.

I must admit that all this
has made it change somewhat.

COLOSIO'S WIFE

But I think we'll gradually adapt
to this new way of life.

-How did you meet?
-He was my college professor.

-Oh! Teacher and student.
-Yes.

But everything came later.

She was an extraordinary
mother, because

she never allowed me to find out
what was happening to her.

Despite the fact that she knew
since before the campaign.

The doctors had told her:

"Ma'am, you have cancer."

-How will the campaign work?
-I'll be with him as much as I can.

I have two small children
who also need me.

Regardless, I'm an enthusiastic
collaborator of Luis Donaldo's.

I love lending a hand
on his different programs,

ever since our time in the party
and SEDESOL.

He knows that as much as
humanly and physically possible,

he can count on my help
in any necessary program.

Do you swear to uphold
as well as enforce

the Declaration of Principles

and the statutes of the
Institutional Revolutionary Party?

And in case the people's vote
ultimately favors you,

do you swear to take up
the office of President of Mexico

that you have been
nominated for?

Subject to have the revolution
demand it from you, or praise you?

Yes! I do so swear!

Today, for the first time,

I speak as the candidate
from the PRI party,

for the Presidency of Mexico.

We can't regard the past
with indifference,

or ignore its lessons.

PRI doesn't need, nor do I want,
a single unlawful vote.

We will make sure that
these elections

will be an example
of democracy in action.

We'll strive for a bigger
and brighter future!

We're going to win!
Hurray for the PRI party!

-Hurray for Mexico!
-Hurray!

The campaign was supposed
to start after the...

after the holiday break,
on January 10th.

It was to begin in Chiapas,
in San Cristóbal, I think.

And suddenly,
on January 1st,

everything changed.

Today, on January 1st, 1994,

NAFTA has gone into
full effect.

DEPUTY COMMANDER GALEANO
(FORMERLY MARCOS)

Subtitle translation by Elizabeth Rico