Pered sudom istorii (1965) - full transcript

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Facing the Judgment of History

Facing the Judgment of History

Entry

The ghost of communism, the once frightened the rulers of Europe,

have found "the flesh" and became a reality this century.

Before his spiritual and material strength, ?rowd and back down the spirits of the past.

You can't stop the history.

Anyone who aspires to it, hopelessly losing, keeping himself only memories

about life in the past, looking after generations who reaching forward.

Vasily Vitalyevich Shulgin had been our bitterest political enemy.

Faithfully he served the Russian autocracy.



The leader of the extreme right "wing" of the State Duma,

editor of "black-hundred" newspaper "Kyivlyanyn",

he was one of the organizers of the White Army
and one of the instigators of a counterrevolution.

But time went on, and Russia has established a new way of life.

And this life has forced Shulgin another look
at a lot of things of his lived long years.

We met him in the autumn in 1963

and began to work together on this film.

We decided, it would be an interesting dialogue
with one of those,

who today is one of the impersonations of the past.

At that time, Shulgin was not in Leningrad for almost 40 years.

- Good morning, Vasily Vitalyevich.
- Good morning.

- Thank you.
- You're welcome.

- How do you feel?
- Very good.

Glad to hear that. Let's go.



This is a new city.
A completely new and completely unfamiliar.

Cities like people - they're live and grow.

And dying.

It depends.
Sometimes they're get younger.

- Tavrichesky. Here everything is as it was.
- Yes.

Higher Party School

Even here could be heard applause and shouts.

August 1st, the new style, in 1914,
Germany attacked Russia.

And the August 7 was convened the State Duma.

The Duma was convened by for one day only.

And on this momentous day, to the chair stood up
representatives of the parties, who yesterday were vocally oppose.

And they, in pathetic speeches, promised to the government
every assistance in the fight against Germany.

But the Bolsheviks didn't.

It should be.

We thought that the war has united the people around the tsar.

This Tarvichesky hall shaked from the applause.

And how quickly it changed.

Here it is - a former Russian parliament.

This is my former place.

I liked to stay here in the evenings.

Alone.

Absolutely alone.

My nerves calmed down.

And so good was at home with a cat,

what was so bad.

The war.

I was at the front.

I've seen everything.

I've seen the unequal struggle of our almost unarmed
soldiers with heavy fire of the Germans.

Burst forth a formidable retreat of 1915.

And when the State Duma was convened by again,

I brought here a sorrow of infinite paths and retreats, and boiling ...

resentment against the army rear.

Member of State Duma Shulgin, your word!

Gentlemen and members of the State Duma.

You have seen how for many hours people of this chair
said heavy accusations against the government.

So heavy that you could be horrified when you heard this.

But the horror is not in the charges.

The charges were before too.
The horror is that, these charges don't have an answer.

The horror is that, the government doesn't find
the strength to defend themselves.

The horror is that, government doesn't even come into this hall,

where is open face of the whole of Russia is accused of treason.

The horror is that, the response to such accusations like that.

The government is obliged to answer, if things become so complicated.

Obliged to answer, not just tell.

In this case, the answer can't be verbal.

There are charges, which are responsible only action

and this action must be leaving the government,
or dispersal of the Duma.

Otherwise, the people start talking.

The power went out from the hands of the rulers
of every day more and more.

Previously, it was weak, now it would be strong.

In Petrograd over the bread, there were endless queues,
and finally started the riots.

Vasily Vitalyevich, do you also think that the events of February
were just a riots because of the bread?

It wasn't because of the bread, of course.
Bread was "the last straw that overflowed the cup".

It was because of the appointment of the Minister of State Duma
has involved us into a conflict with the tsar.

We were standing over the abyss.
We realized this when it's opened up beneath us.

The revolution has begun.

What we are feared has become a fait accompli.

We've seen it all and couldn't stop it.
And who could stop it?

The solid disorderly crowd of gray-red soldiery, and blackish mass
of workers filled the yard of the Tavrichesky Palace.

This crowd was cut through by bristling with bayonets by
roaring deafeningly trucks that were similar to some monsters.

Huge flags fluttering above them.

Constantly approached troops to the sounds of the Marseillaise,
and there, in the hall of already defunct Russian parliament, was uninterrupted rally.

Here in this hall were crowded, as in the church,
it was very difficult to overcrowded.

Frankly, that anguish and rage of impotence
are tormented me in this crowd.

It was a total stranger.
I felt as though I in another country.

In those terrible and turning hours the tsarist government was no longer there,

but it was kind of government here in the office of
Mikhail Vladimirovich Radzyanko, he was chairman of the State Duma.

Here, day and night, met the State Duma Committee.

The Committee decided something, appealed to someone,
offered something.

But along with this committee grew a new power.

It seems that here.

Yes, it's here.

Here met the Budget Commission of the State Duma.

This new revolutionary government called "Sovdep".

Wild words for us, it meant the "Soviet of Workers and Soldiers Deputies".

I see. Of course, you found it's difficult to foresee that in this room
is born an organ of revolutionary power - the only legitimate power in Russia.

Yep.

Morning of March 2nd, in two small rooms we absolutely ousted and tired

continued to meet.

Committee of the State Duma at the time was unsettled:
Miliukov, Rodzianko, I'm. I don't remember the rest.

At this time came Guchkov.

Again, the question arose "what to do?"

What to do?

Guchkov said, we need to act quickly and secretly.

We need to put Russia with a fait accompli.
We need to give Russia a new sovereign.

I suggest to leave, - continued Guchkov, -
but I would like to see someone went with me.

We looked at each other.

At the heart of every one of us the question of abdication
has already been decided.

I said, Alexander Ivanovich I'll go with you.

I wanted to act of abdication was presented to the monarchists.

But not to someone else.

At 10:00 pm we arrived.

Monarch train-wagon looked like that.

Yes, everything is as it was.

Silent witnesses are been preserved.

And the people - they're gone.

I was left alone.

Fatal March 2nd.

At this point, where you now are standing, stood a tall old man.
It was the minister of the imperial court - Count Fredericks.

He said, His Majesty the Emperor will come out.

I thought...

therefore, it's still to be. Fate can't turn.

Tsar came from here.

He was in a gray circassian coat.
We bowed.

He came to us, shook hands, and then
motioned for us to sit down.

He sat there.

Guchkov in front of him - there.

I sat next to Guchkov.

And Count Fredericks - here.

Guchkov is spoke. He was nervous.
He was very nervous.

This isn't surprising. He talked about what happened in Petrograd.
He talked about the rebellious regiments.

He talked about the cossacks, who refused to shoot. He talked about the protesters, workers, barricades on the Nevsky, and he talked about the government, which wasn't.

I added, Petersburg - it's a madhouse.

Tsar listened to us, leaning his head against the wall of silk.

His face was everything visible.

This long speech was superfluous.

Guchkov began to talk about that in the circumstances,
the only way out may be the renunciation of the throne.

At that moment a General Ruzsky came from here.

He sat between Count Fredericks and me.

Leaning towards me, he whispered in my ear:

"It's a done deal. Yesterday was a hard day.
There was a storm".

Tsar's voice sounded easy and accurate.

His anxiety showed only his accent.
Alien, the guards.

"I decided to abdicate.

"To 3 pm of the day I thought to abdicate
in favor of my son, Alexei.

"From this point on, I changed the decision
in favor of my brother Mikhail.

"I hope you will understand a senses of a father".

I understood a tsar. As you know, the heir was ill with
an incurable disease and wasn't able to rule the country.

Tsar stood up and everyone stood up.

Guchkov gave him a sketch of renunciation.

Tsar took it and left.

Vasily Vitalyevich, are you tired?
Maybe sit down?

Perhaps.

After some time tsar came back and said,

Here is the text.
This text was printed on the typewriter.

This one?

Yes.

This is the original text of renunciation.

Signed by Nikolai. Countersign, that's mean certified,
by Count Fredericks, Minister of the Court.

- Vasily Vitalyevich, you were with a tsar at March 2nd, about 12 am?
- Yes.

But renunciation was dated March 2nd, 3 pm.

This was done at my request. I didn't want anyone to ever
claimed that tsar was forced to write an act of renunciation.

Tsar agreed and wrote: March 2nd, 3 pm.

This unfortunate monarch was born on the steps of the throne,
but not for the throne.

And he knew it.

Nikolai Alexandrovich had many virtues and merits, as a family,
as well as men, but it wasn't the qualities necessary for a tsar.

Authoritativeness and hardness.

When the act of renunciation has already happened,
tsar found himself in the depths of the wagon. Right here.

And the rest - there.

Closer to the exit.

Tsar looked at me ...

in front of me...

flashed our previous meeting.

Perhaps he had read in my eyes a sense which troubled me,
because his eyes invited to speak.

And I said, oh, Your Majesty, if you've done it before,
maybe then it all... but I didn't finish.

Tsar looked at me so simple and said something even simpler...

Do you think this wouldn't be?

It's the former tsar Nikolai.

Early in the morning we were in Petrograd.

In the lobby of the station the regiment, or a battalion lined up.
It's lined on three sides, and the fourth side was the crowd.

I went out into the middle.

It became quiet.

I have read a renunciation.

The words fell. I was worried about them, everybody were.
Worried by centuries worry.

But let's not talk about it.

In general, I proclaimed a new emperor of Russia Mikhail II.

It seemed that we kept the monarchy.

But I didn' know then that life of just renounced
monarch wasn't to save.

I didn't get that to which I aspired.

Yes. History of the Russian monarchy is tragic.

It's full of regicides.

But I... I had a daring desire to stop this disgusting tradition.

I didn't want murders, I didn't want blood, I wanted to bring
my country from the impasse by peaceful renunciation.

But I failed that.

Tsar, meekly abdicated in order to facilitate the ways of Russia,
died tragically

This is something that oppresses my soul.

I still feel...

not an awareness of guilt...

not a remorse...

but some big sadness.

Don't punish yourself, Vasily Vitalyevich,
march of history is inexorable.

You're right, my friend.
Let me call you so.

You're right, but as a historian.

But history is often cruel.

Only a history?

But your works are full of calls for cruelty, dear Vasily Vitalyevich.

For example, your book, "Days".

I remember you wrote...
Sorry if I'm not exactly quote,

Nikolai I hung five Decembrists.

But if Nikolay II will shoot 50.000 Februarists...
50,000, Vasily Vitalyevich.

it would be cheaply bought a salvation of Russia.

And you wanted to machine guns. For what?

To shoot, Vasily Vitalyevich. Because, as you said, only lead
can drive a terrible beast who break free, into his den.

And this beast, as you say, was "His Majesty" the Russian people.

I've said it. I don't deny it.

But you, my young friend, as if denying a period of time.

Do you think the longevity is only given for to the old man
repeated the words of the young man?

Fact, it would be a terrible prospect.

To live to 86 years, and nothing to learn?

In this case, I still would have been a follower of the doctrine
of the Jesuits, that the end justifies the means.

No, now I don't think so.

I think that the end doesn't justify the means.

How can I now, with a white beard, speaking like a Shulgin
with his little mustache,

that if he shot 50.000 pluralists, he would have saved the monarchy.

But this experience has already been made.

At that fateful Sunday, which is commonly called "Bloody Sunday".

That is, January 9, 1905, when many thousands of workers
went to the Winter Palace.

They were stopped by shots.

More than 1,000 people, as they say, were killed.

It seemed that the monarchy and the dynasty were survived, but for how long?

By only for 12 years.

I came home. Alone.

Everything was in place - the bridge, Neva, the fortress.

I haven't been home for 5 days.

During this time I attended the renunciation of the two sovereigns.

5 days ago, Russia was an empire.

But why all this happens at night?

School students celebrate the end of the school in the white nights.
It has become a tradition.

A strange old man.

Foreigner.

What's now at the Governing Senate?

- The Governing Senate is now the State Historical Archives.
- I see.

What a silence.
Peaceful. Blissful.

Yes, a peaceful silence.

But what was the price for this silence?

For what were shot these Red Army men?

And these?

And these?

They just wanted a peaceful life for themselves and others.

They just wanted job, bread and freedom.

And for that hatred collapsed on them.

Forced the Russian people to shoot the Russian people.

To hang them.

To burn.

To kill.

To kill...

Yes, the blood was flowing all around.

In this fratricidal slaughter blood was shed of Reds and Whites too.

Because the blood produces the blood.

But the leaders of the Whites doesn't seem too cherished this blood.

And you, Vasily Vitalyevich, too, were among the founders of the volunteer army.
And you were in the list at number 29.

Yes. First, we had a 29 persons, then we became more.

Significantly more.

People trusted us and followed us.

Because on our flags was written: "Great, unified and indivisible Russia".

And in fighting for that, I did everything I could,
helping Alekseev, Denikin and Wrangel.

General Yudenich, Colonel Bermondt-Avalov and
a bandit Bulak-Balakhovich created a lot of blood in the West.

On the Don and Kuban - mentioned by you the generals
Alexeev and Denikin and Wrangel.

And those whom you didn't mention - Kornilov, Kaledin, Markov,
Lukomski, Krasnov, May-Majewski, Filimonov, Romanovsky.

Gen. Miller has filled with blood of the North.

Rivers of blood flowed in the center of Russia,
in the Volga and the Urals.

In Siberia and Transbaikalia, that reaching Amur region, and the Far East.

Admiral Kolchak, atamans Dutov, Semenov, Annenkov.

Generals Kappel, Ivanov-Rhinow, Horvath, Dieterichs, Flug, Khanzhin.

All of them aren't listed.

Yes, it is impossible to list them all.
So I won't list Red commanders.

And I'm not going to measure how much blood they've shed.

Then let's talk not about the generals.
Let's talk about Shulgin.

After all, he founded the newspaper "Great Russia", Vasily Vitalyevich.

And a few more papers, not counting his legacy, with your permission.

And Shulgin preached in them ideas, which he called the "White thought".

The idea of "White thought" was a struggle for Russia.

Remember the February Revolution.

Rodzianko thundering voice announced: "Remove the shirt - save Russia!"

Not so colorful, but I said the same thing turning to all the socialists at one rally.

We agree to be beggars but we want to be beggars in our own country.

If you can keep us this country, if you can save that, undress us!

We won't cry.

But Lenin... Lenin replied to you...

Don't intimidate, Mr. Shulgin...

even when we're in power, we won't undress you...

we will provide you with good clothes and good food,

subject to of work, if it's ordinary and feasible for you.

And we didn't believe the words and deeds of the Bolsheviks.

They're different. As such, the writer Herbert Wells.

They thought that Russia in the shadows.

He believed that the Communists visionaries and dreamers.
But we really hated them.

You know, you've correctly identified the difference
between Wells and you.

Maybe I need to be reminded that "people of hatred", as you say,
has never scored a victory over "the people of dreams and fantasies."

What did you counterposed to us?
Hatred, only hatred.

- But we had a dream.
- Yes, but not about the future. About the past.

The result: 126 ships, which were defeated from White Army,
laid their anchors at the raid of Constantinople.

So, another 150.000 Russian people have lost their homeland.

It was the fault of those, who were waged of hatred.

What to do with them, Vasily Vitalyevich?

Only a women! Only a women!

Let me go!

Enough!

The evacuation was the escape.

Panic.

Parents left their children.
Friends parted, and didn't expect to see more of each other.

The army dispersed.

People were scattered all over the world.

And the leaders of the emigration went to Paris.
They hoped to establish a "new Mecca" on the banks of the Seine.

Excuse me, I smoke.

Mecca.

I think for the future of emigration Moscow could become a Mecca.

The place from which we fled.
Like Muhammad fled from Mecca to Medina.

We settled in our Medina.
It was Don, Novocherkassk.

Gathered them strength and went up arms against Moscow.

We came to Ryazan.

We were fizzled out and went back.

We are left with a broken heart, but with a raised head!

We believed that we have performed our duty as we understood it.

After losing the fight with weapons, we've gone abroad
and have since become emigrants.

And you tried to establish in Paris a "new Russia"?

More precisely, to preserve what is left of the "old Russia".

It's no accident that in Paris, were former tsarist ministers
Kokovtsov and Isvolsky.

And the ministers of the interim government -
from Guchkov and Milyukov to Kerensky.

And party leaders - from monarchists, you were their representative,
to the SR, which was headed by Chernov.

In Paris, was elected Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich
to be Russia's national leader

And Kirill Vladimirovich proclaimed himself Emperor of all the Russias.

All this was a nonsense and not serious.

And it was that we fell from the ghostly heights, on which we hastily got up.

Fell because we wasn't worth it.

If we were in emigration maintained the unity,
we've presented a well-known spiritual power.

If I can say so, we squandered ourselves.

The endless strife, party and personal.

Great mission turned into a domestic quarrel.

Between the emigrants was a war of all against all.

There wasn't comprehensive center.
There were small centers, groups, parties.

How do I know, Vasily Vitalyevich, emigration wasn't so harmless.

Emigration had a power.
The military formation and support of many governments.

Why is the activity of the Russian emigration is a failure? Why?

The first reason was that we couldn't put
the common interest above the ordinary.

The second reason is that we couldn't find
an universally recognized leader.

And the third reason...

the main reason was that we didn't have the program.

There wasn't an idea that would be the goal of life.

Imagine that because of some miracle or no miracle,
with the help of an external force, we would come to Russia as rulers.

And one of us would be a dictator and we put him on the throne.

And?

And we would be confused because we wouldn't know what to do.

It was impossible to fully restore the past.
Absolutely impossible.

This means that we needed new thoughts and attractive ideas,
but we didn't have them.

Thus, with no program and with no leader, the Russian emigration
represented a lot of unaccompanied people.

Besides, these people, of course, become less.

The old people died.

And the real center of emigration was becoming a cemetery.

In Paris, at the famous cemetery of Sainte-Genevieve-des-Bois...

found their comfort the figures with a loud historical names.

Here were buried not only people but also an illusions.

And in 1929, died Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich.

He was buried in Caen, France.

He was buried ceremoniously.

I stood in the crowd.

And past me went representatives of many nations,
dressed in ceremonial uniforms.

And I thought...

With him, the former chief of the Russian front, we bury our last hope.

However, emigration was for me a small part of the great motherland.

I wasn't satisfied with the information that came from Russia.

"I wanted to put his fingers into the wound", -

that's what you wrote in your book, "Three Capitals"?

Exactly.

So I had to grow a beard.
I never wore a beard before.

I got hold of a fake passport.

And the newly Soviet citizen - Edward Emilievich Schmidt -

went to see how Russia lives and works under the control of Communist.

In the "Three Capitals" you said another thing.

Not to see, Vasily Vitalyevich, but to spy.

Absolutely right!

Orthodox immigrant, at that time and maybe now,

he couldn't quite imagine that in Russia there is some life.

That's because I expected to see a dying country.

In fact, I saw the unmistakable awakening and revival of the nation.

The awakening of the nation...

You saw that.

And wrote about it objectively:

"But the thread that runs the refrain: everything in Russia,
like it was, only worse."

But I think that the hero of "Three Capitals", who traveled
to Kiev, Moscow and Leningrad,

he wasn't looking for the "new Russia",

he was looking for what's left of the old.

Perhaps, you're mistaken in this.

Because in "Three Capitals"

which, by the way, was with the new title in the French magazine,

it was very significant: "Renaissance de la Russie",

that is, "The revival of Russia".

In the "Three Capitals" I wrote:

"New built next to the old,

and if this new will be better than the old,

that old self bow his gray head".

But I clearly separated the Russian people and the Communists
with the Soviet government.

I think, that's why you joined the conspiracy -

to overthrow the Soviet regime and to put the supreme
ruler of the Russian Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich?

Yes.

Yes, we were convinced that only a strong person - the leader,

who can combine all the power in his hands,

only he will deduce Russia out of the impasse,

he can resist Lenin

and to block the world march of communism.

And Lenin and our party believed that the only revolutionary class,

only a revolution could make Russia a powerful, prosperous and free.

Is it always free?

Is the fact that you, Vasily Vitalyevich, freed in 1956 from prison,

have the opportunity to have this frank discussion,

is that not a sign of the time?

Is that not a revival of Lenin's attitude toward people?

Well...

Continuing this "frank discussion",

I'll talk about Lenin.

Now I treat him not as treated earlier.

So, my remarks in the book "Three Capitals"...

I think my remarks aren't only...

offensive...

but just unworthy too.

But no matter how I treated Lenin,

I consider it my duty to testify,

that Lenin became the shrine.
Shrine for many people. Shrine for millions.

Therefore, his ashes rest in a mausoleum.

Lenin's Tomb emits a light.

Why?

Because of his followers thinking about him and gets better.
And better means kinder.

If I had the same thought, maybe I wouldn't leave the Land of the Soviets.

But I went my way.

The way, which fate pointed me.

I returned home.

And then, in 1926...

I remember it was 6th February...

I again crossed the border and this transition was dangerous,

and my friends on the other side with trepidation
expecting me and started asking me:

"How is it? What is there?"

And I said, when I went there,

I had no homeland.

And now I have a homeland.

I returned home. Home.

Home meant somewhere in Poland, Yugoslavia, Serbia or France.

What an irony.

What is surprising?

You wrote that you need to pay for a loss.

We paid, losing the war against weapons.

But we didn't lose the war of ideas,

fight "the white thinking" against "the red".

Finish it, Vasily Vitalyevich.

Certainly.

Our idea, the idea of anti-communism

was carried from the battlefield, like the saved flag.

We have kept that.

And we believed that someday this idea will conquer the whole world.

And who started down this way with this idea,

that you have raised like a flag?

Mussolini.

We didn't mean it in our idea.

Vasily Vitalyevich...

listen to this, please.

"Fascism, which is the enemy of communism on a world scale,

certainly in some part it's our emanation".

V. Shulgin, "Three Capitals", Berlin, 1927.

Page 70.

Moreover, Vasily Vitalyevich, Pyotr Stolypin, whom you worship,

in your opinion, "was the founder of Russian fascism.

And the precursor to Mussolini".

V. Shulgin, "Three Capitals", page 421.

Yes it is.

But I beg you, don't mix Italian Fascism

with German Nazism.

Uhum.

I said,

you shouldn't mixed, I mean identified

How do you say?

Italian fascism as an ideological direction of the 20s

with animal Nazism of the 30s.

Vasily Vitalyevich...

- are you serious?
- Completely.

I was silent for a long time, Vasily Vitalyevich.

Respecting your age, I didn't want to upset you.

But Amicus Plato, sed magis amica veritas.

I'm very outraged by your apology of fascism,
regardless of the color of the shirt.

Even Stolypin, who drowned in the blood of the Revolution of 1905,

he wouldn't urge to destroy humanity for the sake of the chosen nation.

This is a violence against history, Vasily Vitalyevich.

Take a look. Think about what you do.

"White thought" leads to the idea of a strong personality,
the idea of a monarch-chief.

And strong personality leads to fascism.

You said that you were outraged by my "apology of fascism".

But I'm not outraged, I'm upset

that intelligent, educated people use the popular opinion.

Popular opinion is the problem of mankind.

For example,

since ancient times people thought that the Sun goes around the Earth.

And despite the fact that Aristarchus of Samos,
as a historian you know about him,

he refuted this popular opinion.

But in order to establish the truth, which these days
can't be contested, it took 20 centuries.

Time will pass and you will see

that Mussolini wasn't Hitler!

And who is he? This...

However, it doesn't matter.

There are arguments that are more significant than my words,

which, frankly, you don't really believe.

Let's go. We'll see.

What will we see?

Who is this dreamer revival of the Roman Empire.

Let's go.

Please.

Thank you.

I turned off the sound.

Maybe near of this map was fate of Austria and Czechoslovakia.

Maybe it was a decide to destroy Poland.

To capture France.

And then throw all the powers of Europe to the Soviet Union.

Crushing of fascism cost us 20 million lives.

More than 70,000 of destroyed towns and villages.

As you can see, Vasily Vitalyevich, the ideological direction of the 20s
it's combined with animal Nazism 30s.

The historical logic pushed Mussolini into the arms of Hitler.

That also resulted in the service to Hitler
all the scum of Europe.

Look, Vasily Vitalyevich, what is the ruthless logic,
and what may be its arguments.

Can I detain you for one more minute?

- Of course.
- Thank you.

So, Vasily Vitalyevich...

Prague occupied by by fascists...

here in November 14, 1944,

in the Spanish Hall of Prague Castle Hradcany

there was a meeting of Russian immigrants.

November 14, 1944 - a historic day for the people of Russia.

General Vlasov arrived at the meeting of the Constituent Assembly Committee of
Liberation of peoples of Russia.

Accompanied by State Minister Franco,

hailed by numerous representatives of the peoples of Russia,

General Vlasov is included in auditorium.

The oldest member of the Committee of the liberation of peoples of Russia, professor Rudnev

opens the meeting and offer General Vlasov as chairman of the Committee.

Gen. Andrey Andreyevich Vlasov was unanimously elected chairman of the Committee of Liberation of peoples of Russia.

...you can be assured of support from the German government.

With the firm belief that joint efforts be crowned with success,

I welcome you, General, from our friend and ally in the struggle against Bolshevism.

I welcome the Committee and wish to that a complete success...

I wish complete success in the struggle against Bolshevism and for the general case. Heinrich Himmler.

- Would you like some coffee?
- Thank you.

Disgrace!

World disgrace!

Anyone who followed Hitler,

disgraced himself.

In particular, those Russian emigrants that you showed me.

They have joined the evil world!

And in my opinion,

they lost the right to be called "white".

Yes, but apart from those we saw on the screen,

there are others.

And they're many.

Himmler wasn't only who welcomed Vlasov.

He was glorified by immigrants, too.

He was congratulated former Don Ataman Krasnov,

In Paris, someone Zherebkov recruited "whites" in his army,

And the National Labor Union gave itself at the disposal of Vlasov

that is, of Hitler, too.

That is, of Hitler, too.

But not the whole National Labor Union, it's only part of it.

You're a historian.

You must be objective.

You aren't allowed to speak so contemptuously, "immigrants."

A more fair to say "part of the immigrants".

And you paint all people with black paint.

Oh, no, Vasily Vitalyevich.

We don't paint all people with black paint.

We remember, we're proud and will never forget people like

Anatoly Levitsky, Vika Obolenskaya, Boris Wilde, Georgy Makovsky,

Vsevolod Ryazanov, Nikolai Rumyantsev, and many others.

They're organized in France one of the first resistance groups.

And even the word "resistance" was first spoken Russians.

And no wonder that in "Musee de l'Homme" in Paris

there's a memorial plaque with their names.

And no wonder in Briar a monument to the hero of the resistance Alexey Chekhov.

So, don't have to err, Vasily Vitalyevich.

These people wasn't inspired by the "white thinking".

Their flags were a different color.

We honor their memory in the same way,

as the memory of Russian soldiers who died in the struggle against fascism for freedom of Norway,

Yugoslavia, France, Poland, Czechoslovakia, Italy and Germany.

These people, heroes of the resistance,

were far from the heroes of Leningrad,

Sebastopol and Volgograd.

But they were close to them.

Nobody is forgotten.

And nothing is forgotten.

Nothing is forgotten!

The earth has healed the wounds of war.

But the memory of the people didn't remove the great sacrifice and great feats.

And this memory leads to a new feat.

The feat of labor and creation.

And we're pleased that many of the Russian people have returned from abroad,

permanently removed the nickname of "immigrant"

and work with us.

Excuse me, dear historian.

I want you to understand me completely.

I ceased to be an immigrant, not when I was released from prison.

That was when had an idea, worthy to be the goal of life.

When the white dove of peace began to fly over Russia.

I'm happy. I am very happy, Vasily Vitalyevich.

But I just want to say that this idea was firmly established in Russia long before you've accepted it.

It was proclaimed in Lenin's "Decree on Peace" on the day after the accomplishment of the revolution.

That is, in those days, when the new born, Soviet Russia.

The Soviet Union - the union workers who carry out the great ideas of Lenin.

The ideas of the 20 Congress Party of Lenin,

and of the 22 Congress.

You were a guest of this, Vasily Vitalyevich.

Are you Shulgin?

- I'm not mistaken?
- You aren't.

- Good afternoon!
- Good afternoon.

Sit down, please!

- I'm Fedor Nikolayevich Petrov.
- Very nice to meet you!

You don't know me, but I know you.

Maybe we even met.

Where?

- In Kiev.
- When?

In 1905. I think then you were military.

Yes, I was called up from the reserve.

Is this the time you are in command of soldiers who suppressed sapper battalion?

I served in one of the sapper battalion.

But the so-called "sappers rebellion" was suppressed not by sappers, but the infantry,

namely, the training team Mirgorod regiment.

Oh, no. It wasn't a rebellion.

It was a revolution 1905!

A bullet of Mirgorod regiment I still have here.

I'm sorry.

With a delay of half a century, let me express my compassion to you.

Thank you, you're very kindly.

I knew your step-father - Professor Pikhno.

I listened to his lectures.

But I wouldn't congratulate him with such a pupil.

The late Dmitri Ivanovich his entire life, 25 years, fought with the teachings of Karl Marx,

and you become a Marxist!

I was already a Marxist.

And if we judge by results, it's not bad.

So it is, thank God.

I believe that the current leaders of Russia

seek to do good, that is,

for peace creation and creativity.

I believe that the program proposed by the 22 Congress is wonderful.

People need to believe in high ideals.

And we can say that this program satisfies "hungry heart".

And I tell you, Fedor Nikolayevich, that you Communists are doing now for Russia,

not only useful but necessary.

And this need to understand to all the Russian people.

And those who are cut off from Russia.

And even those who were born outside their homeland.

It's good that you're with your side have the same thoughts.

The point is not to be crossed out our former struggles.

History is malleable, but not vindictive.

That is why we invited you to our Congress, and rightly so, that you came here.

It's time!

And rightly so, that you came here.

Give the floor to member of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union from 1896.

Hero of Socialist Labour, Comrade Fedor Nikolayevich Petrov!