La rupture (2013) - full transcript

Upon the sudden death of President Georges Pompidou, the French right is taken aback. Who will succeed him? It is finally Valéry Giscard d'Estaing, aged 48, elected with the support of Jacques Chirac, who is then appointed Prime Minister. Their alliance seems strong, but it will quickly crack.

THE DIVIDE

Last Council of Ministers presided
by Pompidou. March 27, 1974.

The fundamental question

however, is the British participation
in the Europe of nine.

I'd add, Mr. President,

that the concern to
resolve this question

is why the Foreign Affairs minister

is currently travelling.

Thank you,
Mr. Secretary of State.

Mr. Prime Minister,
Pierre Messmer,

may we close?



The next Council of Ministers
is set for Wednesday, April 3.

I think Mr. President,

that we can cancel
the one on the 10th.

I agree.

Just make sure that
the ministers

don't go the Canary Islands,
or to Bermuda.

I'd like to say a few words

about something that's not

on the Council of Minister's agenda.

Lately,
my life hasn't been pleasant,

not physically, or emotionally

even though I don't read
the press too much.

I'm in an absurd position

where if I stay quiet
they say: "too silent!"



and if I share my opinion,
they say: "what a talker!"

I'd like the ministers to understand

that I'm not always happy.

It's not a big deal.
It'll be over soon.

But if people ask you,

don't say:
"The president is doing great."

Simply say that such
questions are indiscreet.

I'm not staying at home,
quai de Béthune, just to rest.

It's where I am comfortable, and
where my son can take care of me.

Just know that at quai de Béthune
I receive my files,

I meet with advisors,

and fulfill all of my duties.

That said, I'm not scampering.

I chose how I would say
what is going on.

I hope I won't have to say much more.

I'm going to Carjac,
to rest for a few days.

I should feel better afterwards.

I truly hope that
I can continue to annoy people.

Gentlemen, thank you.

Mr. Poniatowski is waiting for you.

Sad day, Valéry.

It's over, Michel. The President
held his last Council.

We need to get ready.

I'd be surprised if they saw us
as de Gaulle's or Pompidou's heirs.

"Heirs?"
The heirs will destroy each other.

It's our chance,
meaning yours.

Chaban-Delmas will think
that his time has come.

He's very popular, but has
a lot of enemies with Pompidou.

As the British say:
"Let's wait and see."

And remain discreet.

6 days later
Hôtel Matignon, April 2, 1974

I had a meeting
with Pompidou, yesterday morning.

He was in a good mood,
he seemed well.

He wanted to talk about his life,
the people he liked.

Jacques, you're in the best position.
He swears by you.

This afternoon,
he had a nasal hemorrhage.

His son said that they are doing
what they can.

I want to believe him,
but no one is fooled.

Especially not the French.
They should have been told,

but that's not customary
in this country.

It's not customary,
because the president is working.

He's ill, but working.

Jacques, we understand
that your affection for him

is keeping you from seeing reality,
but this is an organized lie.

The State is not in danger.

Olivier, do you see yourself
running after

journalists saying:
"He's sick, but it's OK"?

It might be better
than continue lying.

Mr. Balladur on the phone.
It's urgent.

In the countryside,
35 miles from Paris,

in the cemetery of Orvilliers,
President Pompidou

had the most modest burial
imaginable.

The ceremony only lasted
a few minutes,

no flowers, no cortege,
no speeches,

only the people closest to him,
as he had wanted it.

About 15 people,
family, friends...

Mr. Pierre Juillet,
Mrs. Marie-France Garaud.

I'm starting to realize that
I'll never see him again.

Should we come back later?

No. I just wanted to watch it again.
This ceremony was devastating.

How is Claude?

As you saw in church:
graceful, tough.

We don't want to waste your time.
Do you know why we're here?

You were Pompidou's closest
advisers, and his friends.

He asked us to watch over you.

And that's what we'll do,
just as he wanted us to.

We need to talk about
what was said at lunch.

Yes.

After the funeral mass,

I wasn't in the mood
to talk shop.

Giscard and Ponia were, even though
they tried to hide their game.

- What "game?"
- Giscard's little number:

"I won't run if everyone
agrees to Messmer."

It was bluff.

Giscard will be a candidate.

What makes you so sure?

Giscard knows that Messmer
won't be a candidate.

Messmer will run
if you tell him to.

Giscard knows that Messmer
will not run against Chaban,

and Chaban just announced
that he was running.

Yes, I saw. So?

Chaban can't be president.
There's only one solution.

I'm listening.

You.

You told me that Pompidou had
high hopes for me,

but he thought I was too young.
So...

what is it?

Jacques...

You are almost 42 years old.

You're the Minister of the Interior.

The President of the Republic
saw you as his heir.

There are several roads to the top.

Taking the shortest one today
would be a mistake.

We're suggesting something smarter.

And you think that stopping Chaban
from becoming president

will open the palace gates?

Exactly.

What do we need to do?

Become Giscard's best supporter.

Be the switch that'll help him win.

Why don't you want Chaban?

He hasn't left his company.
You know what Pompidou thought.

He only talks about what Delors
and Nora insisted on:

"Reforms".

And personally, reforms nauseate me.

The Gaullists won't follow him,
and Mitterrand will be elected.

Gaullists are grouches.
They'll complain, but they'll follow.

- No. You are crazy.
- No, Jacques.

There's a legacy:

de Gaulle's and Pompidou's.

One day, it'll be yours.

In the meantime,
Giscard is the only card we can play.

You won't line up behind Chaban,
a traitor?

If he's a traitor,
then what is Giscard?

A traitor, too.

We didn't forget that he betrayed
de Gaulle in 1969.

But don't forget that Giscard
is a means, not a destination.

You are the destination.

You will simply use the best means,
that's all.

Do you think that Chaban
will back out?

He doesn't need to.
It's like it never happened.

His mistake was to announce it
this afternoon.

Pompidou just buried,

he shows up
with his worldly-dancer looks.

He left too soon. He's done.

It's somewhat our doing.

We made sure he heard
that Giscard would run.

He fell into the trap.

When you don't respect
a country's mourning,

you can't expect the country
to want you as their leader.

Yes, it was inappropriate.

That's the word.

The press will be delighted
to hear you say that.

There are 43 deputies
from the Gaullist Party

publishing a manifesto
supporting Valéry Giscard d'Estaing,

who announced he'd be running
for president on April 8,

4 days
after Jacques Chaban-Delmas.

4 symbolic days,
"days of decency",

as stated by the Minister of
the Interior, Jacques Chirac,

who initiated the support
for Giscard d'Estaing

with 43 deputies.

Now, more news...

What do you think of all this?

It won't be easy.

They are estimates,

that we will adjust
throughout the evening,

but they shouldn't be very different

from the ones that we
will announce in 10 seconds.

So, over to the Sofres-SIA.

5, 4, 3, 2, 1... results.

This is Sofres.

François Mitterrand: 44%.

Valéry Giscard d'Estaing: 33%.

Jacques Chaban-Delmas: 13.60%.

Jean Royer: 3.50%.

1 week later at
Michel Poniatowski's house

He's here.

I think he already knows
what we'll say.

Juillet always knows,
but pretends he doesn't.

My dear friend, how are you?

Valéry thought it would be useful
for Michel d'Ornano, and I

to give you an update,
between the rounds.

Come.

So? What's the atmosphere?

Excellent.

Giscard is fighting more than ever.

The television debate
won't help Mitterrand.

You are confident.

Mitterrand is the past.
Giscard will tell him.

The past is the capital
of old foxes.

Probably. But you and I
prefer to believe in young wolves.

Isn't that right?

Giscard will win,
and it will be thanks to you.

We need to
think about the next step,

the composition
of the future government.

You will have your post.

Which one?

Why not the top one?

Prime Minister?

I'm flattered,
but that's not for me.

So it'll be Guichard.

Giscard wants Matignon
to be Gaullist again.

Chirac.

Chirac, Prime Minister?

Chirac, Prime Minister.

- We'll think about it.
- You must've expected it.

He's led the deputies

who campaigned for Giscard,
but you are the inspiration.

Because Marie-France Garaud and I
are Chirac's advisors,

just as we were
Georges Pompidou's.

Exalting task.

So, what do you think of our
candidate for Matignon?

We also thought of Robert Boulin.

Whatever the future president's
decision may be,

it'll be the right one,
since it'll be Gaullist.

But as you said, we have
a preference for young wolves.

The results can no longer change,

aside from a few decimal points.

And looking at the board,

we can see that

the Sofres-ORTF estimate was
50.80% for Mr. Giscard d'Estaing.

Currently, it's at 50.66.

2 days later
at Michel Poniatowski's house

He'll be here in 5 minutes.

Arthur Conte said that making
Chirac my Prime Minister

was a competitive faux-pas.

He loves exaggerating.

He's not. He's not the only one
to warn you.

Chirac has a good profile.

His commitment in the campaign
proves that I can count on him.

Because he asked 43 Gaullists
to say "long live Giscard?"

That wasn't his idea,

it's just to get on the map,
not to help you out.

Chirac is a boa.

He'll eat and swallow anything
in his way.

Juillet and Garaud created
a method from his appetite.

Don't let them force
a Premier Minister on you.

If he leaves the Gaullists,
we can't do anything about it.

For now.

But let's not turn their
maneuvers into a trap.

We're on the same page.

Chirac's future is
only possible through us.

He needs us.

We have the upper-hand, right?

He's a crazy dog,
but I know I can tame him.

I'll make it my job.

As you wish.

But don't think that the knives
will remain hidden.

They've already been sharpened.

I'll meet him in the garden.

You can stay here.

No blood will drip on the walls
today.

What a beautiful garden.

Yes, it is.

There are many around Paris,
but many are abandoned.

I thought it would be nicer for us
to meet here.

Our friend Michel Poniatowski
lets me work from his house.

I'm trying to quit,
but as you see...

I solved the problem
by never starting.

I admire you.

It's not easy to avoid
drinks and cigarettes,

in politics.

Listen,

I'm not keen on
formal thank yous,

but I'd like to express
my gratitude

for all of your support.

You spared no efforts.

When you believe in someone,
and in something, it's quite easy,

and I didn't believe in Chaban.

Pompidou neither, you know.

Chaban is like Mitterrand,
they're old news.

You know they are friends.

They are old friends. They've been
through a lot together.

A new era has begun.

I promised the French people
change.

I want a modern France,
but I won't do it without you.

I'd like to ask you
to be my Prime Minister.

Mr. President,
I'm not sure

I'm the best person
for this task.

We have already
discussed the possibility.

It's a delicate situation.

Which situation?

The majority is divided.

All the Gaullist leaders
are against me.

And from your end,
it won't be well received.

Think again!

Michel d'Ornano suggested
that I call you.

I'm sure that even more people
are trying to dissuade you.

What proof,
or can I say guarantee,

would convince you?

Mr. President, you ran
an excellent campaign.

The French are expecting a lot
of you.

I think that one of your
collaborators would be better.

Michel Poniatowski, for instance.

I insist in thinking that
you'd be the best Prime Minister.

Did it cross your mind,

that you might regret
making me such an offer?

I don't think such things.

That would be disloyal
towards you.

Would you please think about
our conversation?

I need 24 hours.

There is another solution, Valéry.

The dissolution of the Assembly.

A new election would give
you the majority,

without de Gaulle
and Pompidou's ghosts.

Michel...
We'd lose that election.

My advance on Mitterrand
is not significant.

The French aren't stupid.

If a majority is needed for
their new president, they'll give it.

But I already have it.

It needs to be appeased,
and that's why I want Chirac.

The historic Gaullists
are after him.

Which will make him happier
to be with us.

And, as usual,
the Gaullists will follow.

And don't forget one thing.

During the campaign,
I committed to not dissolving,

while Mitterrand promised
the opposite.

I played up stability,
the spirit of the 5th Republic.

Now that I'm reaping the benefits,
I'm not going to

engage in risky elections,

and start a war with UDR.

"A war?"
We can't avoid it.

With, or without the elections.

Mr. Pasqua,
they are in the golden room.

Thank you, Éric.

Marie-France.

I hear you are
having second thoughts?

Not second thoughts.
I'm just wondering, that's all.

Yeah... We'll see about that.

Can I get you anything?

Champagne!
Even if it's premature.

- What's bugging you?
- You know very well.

The Gaullists will
never forgive me for Chaban.

And I didn't do that
to get into Matignon.

I can stay Minister of the Interior.

Do you have an ambition, or not?

I am fully committed in politics.
We don't need to skip any steps.

Answer my question.

Do you want to lead, or not?

I want to be clear.

I love action,
and serving my country.

The best way to do that,
is to be Prime Minister.

Otherwise, we're crushed.

The Gaullists won't disappear,
if I don't go to Matignon.

Guichard can represent us,
and he has the party with him.

Except, you need to go.

Give me one reason
to justify this.

"One reason?"
There are one thousand reasons.

What are you waiting for?

That Gaullisme is dissolved in
Poniatowski's warm bath?

That France turns into
bubblegum, or a cheese cake?

I imagine you want
to look at the General's portrait

without shame.

If you need another reason,

here's one:
I didn't get these wrinkles

to bring you 43 officials
on a silver platter,

and ask the UDR
to put everything on hold,

so you can be picky.

I did it for you, Chirac.

Not for Guichard, or anyone else.

Because you are the heir.

Pompidou drummed it into us.

It was actually annoying.

Is that a good enough reason,
or should I go on?

Hard day?

Am I wrong?

Difficult.

And the result?

I can't carry the future of Gaullism
on my shoulders, alone.

I'm going to see the girls.

Claude is already asleep.

Jacques.

It's not the future of Gaullism
at stake.

It's Jacques Chirac's.

Think about it,
as you tuck them in.

Élysée Palace
May 27, 1974

Mr. Prime Minister.

- Hello, Mr. President.
- Good to see you.

I don't think this room
was ever a President's office.

You are right.
I am the first.

I did not want to move
in to de Gaulle's.

Imagine the comments,
if I had.

I'm in a position to make
a full proposal

for the government.

I thought of it myself.

We will probably realize
that our ideas overlap.

A few names matter to me.

Well. Start by sharing their names,
Mr. President.

I'd like the Ministry
of the Interior to go to

Michel Poniatowski,

with the rank of Minister of State.

He'll be number 2 in the government.

As Minister of Finance,
Jean-Pierre Fourcade.

And thought of Jean Lecanuet
for Justice.

You're about to say
I've forgotten Michel d'Ornano.

As you know, he is
an important manufacturer.

And I think that it's in this field
that he will best serve the country,

as the Minister of Industry.

Do you have a name
for Foreign Affairs?

Jean Sauvagnargues
seems like a good choice.

I still have 3 ideas
that could be interesting.

I'd like a Ministry of Reform,

to mark France's entry
into modern times.

You have to rock the boat sometimes.

I'd like this Ministry

to go to my friend,
Jean-Jacques Servan-Schreiber.

What do you think?

- The President of L'Express?
- I promised change.

That's why I'm considering

a Secretary of State
who deals with women's rights,

that would go to Françoise Giroud.

What you're announcing,
Mr. President,

are not
ministerial nominations.

It's L'Express in the government,

with those who fought
de Gaulle and Pompidou.

Françoise Giroud
is an incontestable leader.

I'm not contesting her,
Mr. President,

but incontestable leaders
aren't always good ministers.

Do you know Anne-Marie Fritsch,
Deputy of Moselle?

Yes.

What do you think of her
as Health Minister?

Never, Mr. President.

Why is that?

I'd like you to nominate
Mrs. Simone Veil for that position.

If I'm not wrong,

Simone Veil is the general secretary

for the Supreme Council
of Magistracy.

Her field is justice.

But you assigned that
Ministry to Mr. Jean Lecanuet.

Simone Veil will be perfect
as Health Minister.

She's an old friend.

We will need big reforms
with this Ministry,

particularly on the abortion bill.

This bill is very important to me.

The battle will be hard,
in the Assembly, and the Senate.

They need experience.

Simone Veil has the best experience,
she's a magistrate.

And I can personally help her
on the abortion bill.

I think that the Gaullists would
be more open to the reform,

if it was led by one of their own.

And Simone Veil is more centralist.

It won't be an issue.

You want your reform.
I want Simone Veil.

Since she's a friend,

I understand that her
nomination is a condition.

A Prime Minister can't impose
conditions on the President.

Otherwise, the president
would replace him.

Let's move along.

Juillet and Garaud
wanted to see you tonight.

I said you couldn't.

You did the right thing.

They can't think that they're
the Prime Ministers.

I'm going out.
Thanks, Jérôme.

At 10am,

in the Murat room,
on the ground floor of the Élysée,

the president gathered
his Council of Ministers

and the head of government,
Jacques Chirac.

I'll see him tomorrow.
Tell him not to worry.

Thank you so much,
my dear friend.

...presented by
the Prime Minister.

It's not necessary.

Ah, Marie-France.

You saw the same thing
I did.

The only thing missing
was Poniatowski's smile.

A President refusing to shake hands
with his Prime Minister

in front of the cameras,
that's not an accident.

Pasqua called.
He tallied every humiliation.

So after the anti-Gaullists
in government,

we're now at 3.

What did I miss?

Chirac knew that he could
offer me a Ministry.

He preferred Simone Veil.

It wouldn't have hurt
to be clearer with Chirac.

He knows what to do,
when it's explained.

Count on me
to tighten the reins.

We can't say it's a good start.

The question is:
do we counterattack,

or do we pretend it never happened?

At this hour,
a Head of Cabinet has no opinion.

- Where is Jacques?
- Dinner at Claude Pompidou's.

I'm repeating myself, but it's
the most beautiful view Paris.

Georges said that such a view
made him feel eternal.

He'd come out on this balcony,

look at the Parisian night,
and recite Baudelaire.

"Melancholy waltz
and languid vertigo!

"The sky is sad and beautiful
like an immense altar.

"The sun has drowned
in his blood which congeals."

If only you knew
how much he liked you!

Now's the time to prove
that I'm worthy of him.

I lack experience,
but no one knows about my drive.

I will fight for him.

He was like a father to me.

Let's go back in.

Bernadette is probably wondering
what we're plotting.

I'd like to ask you for a favor,
Claude.

Let's try and avoid
talking about Giscard,

because if I listened
to Bernadette,

I should be provoking
a duel every morning.

She is not completely wrong.

In the name of France,
bombs have

exploded again,

in the Southern Pacific sky,
and Polynesia.

J. J. Servan-Schreiber
Reform Minister

It's something that I opposed,
with all my might, last year.

It's something I disapprove of,
with the same conviction, this year.

Mr. Minister of the Interior.

Ah, Michel.

The Prime Minister
will be here in an hour.

To cry betrayal?

Better than that. He wants
Servan-Schreiber's resignation.

Well,
Jean-Jacques was awkward, true,

but resigning...

Gaullists are accusing you
of double play.

That you only authorized
new nuclear trials

in order to avoid
any provocation by the UDR.

To them,
your agreement was half-hearted.

That Servan-Schreiber says
what you're thinking, out loud.

I assume Chirac will say:
"It's him, or me."

It's what I hear from Matignon.
And something else.

They still haven't digested
the composition of the government,

or that you didn't shake
Chirac's hand for the cameras.

I wasn't going to
greet him twice.

I had just spent an hour with him
in the Council of Ministers.

That's not how they see it.

Don't be fooled. They are ready
to exploit this incident,

till you throw up.

What terrible luck!

I can fix this by talking
to Juillet directly.

That would be a sign of weakness.

Giving up on Servan-Schreiber
would be too.

No. It would be taken as a sign
of consideration

for the Gaullist majority.

It would remove
the mines from the fields.

Mr. President of the Republic.

Please be seated.

Before getting to the Council
of Ministers' agenda,

I'd like to acknowledge
the Reform Minister's decision,

who drew his own conclusions
about his position

on nuclear testing.

A position
that is incompatible

with the governmental solidarity
that we all must have.

With this in mind,
I accepted

Mr. Servan-Schreiber's resignation.

We may now begin.

Mr. Prime Minister,
we are listening.

Do we need to wait for
Mr. Prime Minister,

or can we start, madam?

5 minutes.
He is with Laurence.

You're the only one I can tell.

I'm not very happy
in my position.

I'd like to at least feel useful,
but...

I'm not so sure.

You would've been unhappier
if you hadn't been Prime Minister.

It's your life, Dad.

No.

Real life is spending a few hours
with you, every day.

How many times have I done that?

Since you've been ill,
I've been trying...

You know what I want to say.

To redeem myself.

Prime Minister, it's a lifestyle
but it's not life.

They're annoying you, huh?

I can defend myself.

Some people think
that I'd agree to anything,

but they are wrong.

I am stronger.

I let them believe
whatever they want to.

You know what I would like now?

For you to come and eat with me.

I told your mom
that it would just be us two.

I'm not hungry.

I asked the Secretary of State
for Culture to join us

to help us resolve
something that's bothering me.

What is that?

This Centre Pompidou
is atrocious,

both esthetically and financially.

I decided to
stop the project.

And Michel Guy shares
my point of view, right?

The President is right.

I never thought that
it was a good idea to begin with.

Yet, I heard you defend this project
in front of Georges Pompidou himself.

You can change your mind,

but you can't forget what you owe
Pompidou,

starting with your career.

I think there's a misunderstanding.

I understand perfectly.

And allow me to say that
I'm outraged by such cowardice.

If the decision to stop
the Pompidou project

is confirmed,
you will need to make another:

a new Prime Minister.

A Prime Minister can't resign
over such a low-level decision.

I would.

I won't accept that
people question

Georges Pompidou's final project.

Pompidou is just an example, Pierre.

The real danger is about to come:

the big circus of legalized abortion.

We are not in a position
to kill the bill.

Chirac imposed Simone Veil
as the minister.

He won't drop her,
he adores her.

She has too much influence over him.

Legalizing abortion
may be progressive for Giscard,

but it won't fly with us.

They complained about the legal
age at 18, and the divorce reform.

So can you imagine this?

How can we sell Chirac
to the Gaullists,

if we ask them to vote a law
that goes against their beliefs?

We'll find a way.

Not easy raising a purebred!

Especially since he's
missing an accessory.

Blinders.

When Giscard flatters him,
he has a tendency to look his way.

A bridle, Marie-France. A bridle.

If Chirac doesn't take the UDR,
we will be defenseless.

Poniatowski knows that.

The more the Gaullists are divided,
the easier they'll disappear.

- Especially without a leader.
- They might have one.

But it'll be worse.

If Guichard replaces Sanguinetti,
Chirac disappears.

Forever.

We only have a few weeks to turn
the situation around.

All of UDR behind Chirac.
It's that, or the end.

We'll need to convince the leaders,
of course.

But I will set up a new strategy:

we'll tell each deputy

that when the time comes,
they will get re-elected,

as long as they support Chirac.

If we can get someone elected,
we can also beat someone.

I hope we're not wrong.

- On what?
- Chirac.

He's hesitant, shy.
He seems afraid of something.

His lack of confidence
is due to his father,

Pompidou gave him
his confidence back.

You are right, Marie-France.

His purebred muscles need training.

The danger, is that he's impressed
by Giscard.

He's fascinated by people who
excel in all subjects.

We need to get moving

before the piper
puts the snake to sleep.

Let's play up their differences.

Giscard represents the elite,
bridge, and tea at 5pm.

Chirac represents the people,
poker, and grub.

That's our asset.

UDR

Charles,
this isn't a proposal,

it's a coup d'état.

We are lucky,

in this day and age,
we're lucky

to have a Prime Minister
in our political family.

And you, Alexandre Sanguinetti,
General Secretary of our party,

I won't give you
lessons in Gaullism,

you'd refuse the Prime Minister
his place in the movement?

His place is not at the head.

- That's not what we want.
- It is.

You, Garaud, Juillet,
but you won't say it out loud.

If Chirac wants to take over
the party,

there will be resistance,

and you know what resistance means,
here.

Alexandre,
you're exaggerating.

What's the problem with Chirac?

The problem?
Are you kidding me!

The problem is that he helped Giscard
get elected.

43 from our side may have followed,

but many more didn't.

You let the wolf attack the sheep.

Don't complain that the wolf
now wants to eat you up.

And don't you dare ask
to be the shepherd.

The Prime Minister

hasn't threatened to resign
for 3 months now.

We should indeed be worried.

I don't think so.

If he had wanted to,
he'd have already done it.

I'm sorry to tell you that
this calm is misleading.

What do you mean?

Everything is in place for Chirac

to simply bend over,
and pick up the UDR.

Having Chirac
wouldn't be so bad for us.

Don't think that.

The secret around
these tactics

is proof that the intentions
are hostile.

Tell me, Michel...

do you think we can kill
this project.

No. Pasqua's networks
are too powerful.

In that case, let's be nice
to the Prime Minister.

We shouldn't make him
feel isolated.

Let's inform him,
over inform him, if necessary.

The question of abortion
should be a priority.

This reform is
important to me too,

but things will go wrong.

Some of the Gaullists
will refuse to follow Chirac,

and he won't drop Simone Veil.

We shouldn't take
his punches.

Michel, what matters,
is that this bill is voted.

We need to stay above
the quarrels.

We need to think about France,
first and foremost.

When doctors,
in their practice,

break the law,
and let it be known publicly,

when social services
of public associations

provide women with information

to help them
terminate a pregnancy,

when, with the same goal, plane
trips abroad are openly organized,

then we are in a chaotic situation
that cannot go on.

Assassins!

- Criminals!
- Assassins!

Simone is getting insulted.
Dragged in the mud.

She asked to suspend
the session.

She needs you.
I told her you'd call.

No. I'll go.
She needs someone there.

But I want Giscard to call her.

I'm going to the Assembly.

The deputies must be brought back
to their senses.

Simone Veil is fighting alone.

Faced with a wall of hostility
and hatred.

She'd appreciate your support.

Thank you, Mr. President.

Will he call her?

He said he would.

Marie-France wants to talk to you.

She's annoying me!

You don't like them, do you?

- Who?
- You know very well.

Kiss Simone for me.
She is a wonderful woman.

You're meeting Mr. Messmer
at 4:00pm, his place.

Dinner with Mr. Michel Debré
at 8:00pm.

I reserved at the 4 Saisons
as you asked,

a quiet table.

Great.

As for lunch with
Mrs. Garaud et Mr. Juillet,

they'll wait at the Palais-Royal.

Really!

Marie-France.

Pierre.

Our only option,
after Simone Veil's heinous bill,

was to say, and have people say,
behind Chirac's back,

that his hands were tied,

that he couldn't do anything.

This abortion bill was
Giscard's idea, his alone.

But Chirac was never
opposed to this project.

Anyway,
let's not exaggerate,

we have female voters too.

They weren't really shocked.

Do you think it was the right
message for women?

"An abortion
at taxpayer's expense.

"Don't want a kid?
Get rid of it for free."

It's the same as
subsidizing illegal abortionists.

What's done is done, Pierre.

We have other battles
on the horizon.

Speaking of which. You might be
wondering why you're here.

It's not something
that kept me up at night.

This restaurant is near
the Constitutional Council.

And in exactly one week,

the Council president
will have the party leaders,

the "barons", over for dinner.

I know.

This dinner will take place
before UDR's national council.

Charles,

we're counting on you
to take a last-minute guest.

You want me to take Chirac
by the hand?

Is that right?

It's crucial. We need it.

Can you do it?

You know what I'm working on?

Making sure people understand
it's in their interest

to put the Prime Minister
at the head of the party.

For now, I'm being soft.

But, if we need to enter
by breaking in,

why not?

- There will be risks.
- We don't care.

What matters is that
Chirac establishes himself.

We trained him for it.

Is Sanguinetti ready to hand over?

If the leadership is collective.

The solution is so ridiculous,
he'll change his mind.

Sanguinetti and I,
we're a family affair.

Corsicans who disagree,
that doesn't exist.

And with Chaban,
is there a risk?

He wants to settle the score,
of course.

We'll see if I worked
for nothing for 6 months.

If it works, Giscard will find
a new Gaullist party

when he gets back
from the West Indies.

I'm sure he dreams of it.

Yes, he dreams of it,
each time he has a nightmare.

It's not bad.
What do you think?

Don't you have a dinner tonight?

I do.

December 12, 1974

Admit it. You don't want
to go to the dinner.

I don't, I admit it.

Is it important?

The future.

Yours?

Apparently.

You'll be very late.

If it's an order...

- Dad.
- Yes?

Do you know this:

"It's a great folly to wish
to be wise all alone"?

- General de Gaulle.
- Nope. La Rochefoucauld.

I'll try to be back in an hour.

My dear friends,
before we start, I'd like to

welcome the one honoring
us with his friendship, and presence

despite a very busy schedule.

So thank you,
Mr. Prime Minister,

Jacques Chirac,

for being with us tonight.

Without further ado,
I'll let him speak.

Thank you, Mr. President,
and dear Roger Frey,

for such a warm welcome.

I wasn't sure

if I could come tonight,
because of the president's trip

to the West Indies.

That is why I'm late,
and I hope that you'll forgive me.

I wanted to be here

to share a few things that
are essential to me,

on the day before our
movement's National Council.

I'll get straight to the point,
and make an observation:

our political family is an orphan,
and sick.

Orphan since
President Pompidou left us,

sick, because
we're profoundly divided,

without stability,
without a leader.

It's time to react.

I'd even say, time to wake up,

before this lethargy
turns fatal.

My dear friends,
I won't be the Prime Minister

who will watch Gaullism disappear
with indifference, without reacting.

On the contrary, I plan
on playing a key role

in this awakening and gathering
which is my wish.

We can no longer hide
behind a head of State

that thinks for us.

We need to start thinking
for ourselves.

That's the message I wanted to
share with you tonight.

Thank you.

Mr. President,
I'd like to say something.

If Prime Minister Chirac
has no objection

to Prime Minister Chaban-Delmas
speaking.

We know that our family
needs a leader.

We can thank the Prime Minister

for the accurate analysis
that he just shared.

One leader,
does not mean several.

This is why the envisaged solution

of a collective leadership
for the movement

seems to have been abandoned.

I'd like to nominate
Olivier Guichard.

Olivier has the authority
and clairvoyance

to lead our party
in the right direction.

I'm sure that all of
our friends agree.

I think that we can proceed...

If you allow, Mr. President,

this is not the time or the place

to start the debates,

but I want to say that
Jacques Chaban-Delmas

is right to abandon the idea
of collective leadership.

However,
entrusting our movement's future

to someone as eminent
as Olivier Guichard

will create an impossible situation.

What is that?

There will inevitably be
a clash with Matignon.

And people will wonder who
is leading the majority.

So, you agree to a collective
leadership.

I think that it would be easier
if I took over the leadership

of our movement.

At least it's clear.

- But it's not done.
- I also want to talk.

I'll be quick. It's late,
and our meals are getting cold.

The Gaullists don't want to eat
some of these meals.

I mean grass snakes,
hats, and umbrellas.

Our stomachs are rebelling.

They want a cure.

And a cure exists.

But we must be very careful.

The survival of Gaullism
is at stake.

Those who understand, know that
the Prime Minister's name

is the only way
out of this trap

in which our change-oriented friends
want to put us.

Those who don't understand this
are taking a considerable risk.

And I wouldn't want
to be in their shoes.

- Mr. Prime Minister.
- Hello, Mr. President.

- How was your trip?
- Excellent. Thank you.

I will inform
the Council of Ministers,

the trip was very positive.

Myself,

I wanted to congratulate you.

How sympathetic.

Becoming leader of the UDR
with 60% of votes,

is an extraordinary performance.

This victory is yours.

The UDR is served
on a silver platter.

Naturally, not to be beheaded.

Naturally.

I think that thanks to you,
we have a strong majority.

We will of course
make the best of it.

The Council of Ministers
was better than usual.

- What do you think?
- Yes, more relaxed.

The Prime Minister was glowing.
The halo of success.

Before the Council, he said:

"I give you the UDR on a platter."

And he added:
"But don't behead it."

So we have nothing to worry about.

I thought I noticed
some hints of loyalty.

Richelieu would cry to
prove his good faith,

in order to deceive.

How pessimistic, Michel!

You don't think that making
Chirac the UDR's leader

was done to make
things easier for us?

Let's be realistic.
The ball is rolling.

- They won't stop.
- Michel is right.

All our reforms will
be fought systematically,

even sabotaged.

It'll be Matignon versus the Élysée,
every day.

Well, the power is here.

We need to fast-track brainstorming
about creating our own party.

In secret. The slightest
rumor would start a war.

That perspective makes me happy:
the birth of our own party.

The fusion of independent
republicans and centralists

means we can get rid of
UDR and Chirac.

No one could harm you.

The Gaullists will disappear
like prehistoric animals.

Let's move on to happier topics.

Any plans for Christmas?

It's nice here, together.

Yes.

But you have to leave
in 10 minutes,

for a meeting,
a discussion, an emergency...

But your mother and sister
will be back.

I don't like this time of year.

My mother said that at Christmas,
families have to be together.

If anyone calls, I won't answer.

Even if it's the President?

Especially if it's the President.

Unacceptable!

Hôtel Matignon
January 1975

Poniatowski was a
mini-Prime Minister.

Now,
the Minister of Finances.

- Matignon, no one cares!
- We'll react.

I'm tired of being
the Élysée's minion.

Tired of seeing Lecanuet
judging me on Wednesdays,

with his Maître d'hôtel smile!

He looks like a toothpaste ad.

You wanted me to be Prime Minster.
Help me do my job.

We'll put it down in black and white.

Meaning?

Ask the President to
specify everyone's role.

That'll be useless.

Let's go step by step.
Play the loyalty card.

I am the only one who is loyal.

Ponia, d'Ornano,
Fourcade, Lecanuet...

Are they loyal towards me?

I'll rephrase.

Let's make them believe
in our loyalty.

I'll prepare the letter,
Jacques.

I wanted to thank you
for this letter.

I thought that it would be best
to talk over lunch.

When things are bad,
I believe in expressing it.

Indeed, but could you be
more specific,

and provide some examples
of the issues?

An example?

The Finance Minister
publicly declared

to have more management experience
than me.

That's a communication slipup,
not an issue.

But you didn't deny it.

When the Minister of Cooperation
declared:

"We need to fight the UDR
with all our energy",

you didn't give any call to order.

I'll remind Ministers
of their duty to be united,

and of the fact that there's
one head of government,

only one.

Mr. President,
I will no longer let

Matignon be the recording room

for decisions made elsewhere.

I won't accept it.

Jacques Chirac presided

the Mont Valérien ceremony,

in the absence of the President,
who is in Poland.

The President pronounced a speech
at Auschwitz...

Freaking Poland!

Couldn't he have picked another
date to go to Auschwitz?

June 18 is for de Gaulle
and Mont Valérien.

But that's too much for him.

If it's a scheme,
I don't get it.

Unless he's tired of his
slowed down Marseillaise.

Stop...
It's a provocation.

And it will do damage.
Believe me.

Maybe it's what they want:

an impulsive reaction from us,

to prove that the Gaullists
are pariahs.

Every day we get kicked
in the butt,

and we say "Thank you".

I won't be able to patch
the holes much longer.

It'll break.
And I even know when.

In exactly 9 months.

At the cantonal elections.

Want the result?

We noticed in the first round,

that the left-wing opposition
won a majority of votes.

Some of the polls published
this week said

that if the legislative elections
were to take place now,

the leftwing parties
would win the elections.

That'll be the theme of
our debate tonight.

We need to retaliate.

Poniatowski is saying we're
responsible for the loss.

He's the one making us lose.

Our reaction has to be as severe
as what just happened.

We're being blamed for the cantonals.
Let's have a 2nd test.

- Early legislatives?
- Exactly.

It's dangerous.
Not bad, but dangerous.

The left is the majority
in the country.

There's another risk.
Giscard's supporters won't like it.

And Chirac won't want to
start a campaign.

He thinks he's the only one
to show willing.

We'll take care of that.

I wonder if we shouldn't
find something

that will force Giscard
to stick his neck out,

say out loud what he really thinks,
what his views are.

What if we got Giscard

to declare Chirac
leader of the majority?

The word "leader", won't work.

"Nurse",
would be more appropriate.

His role would be to coordinate
the majority?

"Coordinator", "coordonator"?
How do you say it?

"Resuscitator". We need one,
since there's an anesthesiologist.

We need to convince Giscard.
I'll do it myself.

Otherwise, it'll take too long.

Anything that comes from you,
Mr. President,

can only contribute to the
well-being of your majority,

and help ease tensions.

Which are running high,
aren't they?

Even if I can't see the holes
that the Prime Minister talked about.

Your suggestion?

Address the country,

and say who is in charge
of the majority.

My choice, if I have a choice,
is consistent

with current practices,
and known by all.

It's the Prime Minister's
responsibility.

Recent events have proved that
some have forgotten those practices.

What should we say?

I think I summarized
the main points.

I'll consider it.

I entrust Jacques Chirac with
the coordination and facilitation

of the political parties' actions,

while respecting
the differences between them.

That's what I meant tonight,

by sharing these goals.

How incredibly convincing!

It's nonsense.
It won't change a thing.

Hôtel Matignon
May 1976

When did he plan on announcing it?

Eternal thanks, my dear friend.

Assholes!

They will call it UDF,
Union for French Democracy.

Voters will be confused
between UDF and UDR.

They'll present it
as the big center-right party

the French were supposedly
waiting for,

implying Giscard's true supporters.

See what the letter did?

And your idea for me to play nurse
with the majority?

They're mocking us!
We need to scare them.

A serious rumor from Matignon.

They decided to leave.

Who? Juillet?

Garaud?

Chirac.

The idea of UDF maddens them.

If they want to leave,
why hold them back?

Is it a bad time?

No, not at all.

I was actually expecting your call.

I noticed that this
was upsetting you.

I'll admit, it's a hard blow.

I didn't want a new Prime Minister
before the legislatives.

This morning, you said:
"Why hold him back?"

I must do it.

Even if it's useless.

I'm sorry I didn't convince you,
2 years ago,

to take Guichard.

I don't know if I was wrong.

But I was probably
insensitive with Chirac.

You're the only one I can tell...
I regret it.

They won't resign
tomorrow morning.

It will take time.

I think that they
will try other things before.

I'd be surprised if
the early legislatives

don't come to the surface.

This might surprise you, but...

I think that Chirac and I could
have been friends.

At another time,
under different circumstances.

We could have done

great things together.

It's not too late.

I'll think about it,

come up with something.

I feel rather bitter.

What a shame!

Good night, Valéry.

Yes. Good night, Michel.
Thank you.

Mr. Prime Minister,
you are expected.

I'm sorry I'm late.

We only have a few hours to
finalize our strategy.

Either we leave,
as we had planned,

or we stay.

Poniatowski is for our departure,
Giscard is more restrained.

He's not restraining his supporters.

The banana peels are accumulating.

He can't keep going on like this
till the legislatives.

That's my point.

We'll demand early legislatives,

with a comprehensive plan justified
by the economic and social situation.

Giscard can't refuse it.
He'll be cornered.

I'm warning you,
it's our last play.

I'm playing the loyalty card,

but any sign of dishonesty,
I'll be against them.

We can't leave the country
in such deep uncertainty

for 2 years.

My proposal has 4 points.

1: The government's resignation,

at the end of the parliamentary
session, in a few weeks.

2: Create a new, tighter government.

3: Clearly reaffirm the rule

that the Prime Minister coordinates
the government's actions,

and the majority's.

4: The dissolution
of the National Assembly,

with new elections in
5 or 6 months.

A program that requires thought,
isn't it?

But, what makes you want
a smaller government?

"Tighter", as you said.

There are too many ministers
and Secretaries of State.

It's noticeable due to their lack
of solidarity and

sometimes even loyalty.

Towards you?

And towards you.

Many of them worry about
your approval,

rather than serving you.

Giscard is inviting
us to Brégançon?

Pentecost week-end, yes.

What for?

I'm waiting for him to accept
my proposal.

He must deem the setting's
appropriate.

Brégançon Fort
June 1976

Have you settled in?

The rooms are spacious.
A bit dark, but specious.

- It's what's nice with these houses.
- It's just perfect.

Our son Henri was able to join us.

It's not always easy to schedule
a family week-end.

Ah! There you are.

Hello, Mr. President.
My wife.

Delighted to see you again.

You know the Prime Minister,
his wife.

I hope you didn't run into traffic?

No, thank God.

Usually there's a lot
during Pentecost week-end.

We met a few years ago,

at Courchevel.

I needed a ski instructor
to go off slope,

but you weren't available,
if I remember well.

I made it work. Some
German clients had cancelled.

Yes, that's right.

I realized that ski instructors

were worse than good doctors.

You need to make an appointment
well in advance.

What's funny,

is that our friends have a beach
in Saint-Tropez, in the summer.

I said "summer",
but it's open now actually.

Yes. We open during Pentecost,
that's right.

Yes, exactly.

It's a great system:

work in the snow during winter,
and in the sun, during summer.

A kind of natural law
to keep in mind

if we were to create
the perfect society.

- It would be ideal.
- Yes. Naturally.

I never want to
do that again.

It was humiliating.

- Could you talk to him?
- No.

The idea of giving me a free rein
makes him sick.

I think I have nothing more
to tell him.

These people want you to lose.

You're not in their world.

And your advisors
think you're a puppet!

This will have a bad ending.

Anne-Aymone thought the week-end
was lovely.

Me too. Very relaxing.

Yet, you seemed quite preoccupied.

To be honest,
Mr. President,

I wasn't expecting small talk,

as relaxing as it was.

I was hoping to have a real
political conversation.

But mainly, I was hoping
for decisions.

I was hoping for an authentic
and friendly week-end.

I am sorry,
Mr. Prime Minister.

We'll talk about your expectations
when the time comes.

Have a safe trip back.

In the end, I think you managed well.

The next time, they'll make you eat
with the maids,

in the kitchen.

There won't be a next time,
Charles.

I see you finally get it.

You can't always say:

"I will draw my gun,
scare them,

"and they will calm down."

At some point, you need to shoot.

You say there won't be a next time.

But there will be one.

I don't know when,
but there will be one.

And then, you'll shoot.

There will be victims,
but that's how it is.

July 1976

Mr. President of the Republic.

- Gentlemen, hello.
- Mr. President.

Hello. Did you see
what happened in Nice?

Absolutely extraordinary.

I'm not an admirer,
but what skill!

Before closing this Council,

I wanted your opinion
on a question

that I think is important.

I'm talking about
universal suffrage elections

of the European Parliament.

I want your first reactions.

We'll have a debate later,
of course.

Mr. Prime Minister.

If you'll allow,
Mr. President,

I will refrain from commenting

on a question
that you deem important,

and that I qualify as thorny.

I would like to meet with you,
as soon as possible.

Certainly.

Let's meet after the Council.

This question was not on the agenda.
We never talked about it.

But it was open, informal.

I said that it was
just to get opinions.

We will work together.
It goes without saying.

I can't accept such
unusual procedures

on a subject that divides
the majority.

This isn't the subject that
divides them the most.

If there are any disagreements,
let's lay them on the table.

- We'll find common grounds.
- No.

Neither on this subject,
nor on another.

It's too late.

It's impossible for me
to unite the majority.

I run into scheming
and refusals every day.

Please take a seat.

Mr. President,
please accept my resignation.

Do you really want to resign?

I'd like to leave.

I understand your frustration.

And your annoyance.

But I don't think that leaving
the government

is the right decision.

You were successful.

I'm in favor of
a tighter government.

We'll have elections in 2 years.

Keep your position until then.

I asked you to have early elections.

I can't accept that,

for the simple reason that
we would lose.

We just lost
the cantonal elections.

The left is strong.

Mitterrand is on top.

I honestly would like you

to stay in your position.

If you insist upon your decision,
we'll talk again.

Let's wait for September.

- Good evening, sir.
- Good evening. Thank you.

Good evening, Jacques.

Good evening.

You look tired.

Give me half an hour.
I'll get Laurence.

- Yes?
- Dinner is served.

Very well.

What are we waiting for?

We can't send the resignation
by mail, you know.

It's for Monday.
Giscard isn't expecting it.

He thinks he convinced Chirac.

Mr. Prime Minister.

Hello, Mr. President.

I'm happy to see you.

It's our last meeting before
the summer.

Mr. President, I came to tender
my resignation.

You asked me to think about it,
but I made my decision.

We agreed to wait until
September.

I'd rather leave now.

Very well.

I assume there's no point

in trying to convince
you to stay.

I therefore accept your resignation.
But not happily.

You know I'm going to Gabon
in a few days,

and you have an official visit
planned in Japan.

So I ask you to
tender your resignation

the day before the Council of
Ministers on August 25, in one month.

Fine. I'll wait till the end
of August.

Till then, I'm counting on you
to keeping this to yourself.

Rest assured that I will not
talk about it.

Thank you.

Goodbye,
Mr. Prime Minister.

You can't imagine how upset
I am about your decision.

I'd like to speak with
the Minister of the Interior.

Yes, Michel. Are you alone?

I think it would be worthwhile
meeting Alain Peyrefitte

before I leave for Gabon.

Yes.

Of course, very discreetly.

See you later.

I couldn't refuse
waiting one month.

It's the summer.
Nothing will happen.

We won't be able to work on
our project

before September.

We'll be able to.

You're invited to my house,
in the Creuse.

We'll get started.
It'll be quick.

We already thought it out.
Charles even has a name.

The Rassemblement pour la République.
RPR.

I think it sounds great.

It does.

Tailor-made for Gaullists.

Speaking of Gaullists,

I heard that Giscard
called Peyrefitte.

Peyrefitte?

For Matignon?

Interesting thought.

They'll flirt with Guichard,
and others.

But on our side,
no one will accept.

Are you sure?

People are on photos
they shouldn't be on.

They can do the dance of 7 veils
as much as they want,

they are lures.

Matignon will go
to Raymond Barre.

We knew it, even before Giscard.

August 25, 1976

Gentlemen,
Mr. President of the Republic

will be here in a few moments

to preside over
the last Council of Ministers.

While I wait to tender
my government's resignation,

which I wanted to inform you about,

I wanted to thank you
for your collaboration.

You might be surprised that
I'd leave the prestigious

Prime Minister position,
of my own accord,

and willingly abandon

the most exhilarating work
that I have ever accomplished.

I owe you some explanations.

For 27 months, I faithfully served
the President of the Republic.

On several occasions, I asked
for the means I deemed necessary

to fight the political
and economic situation.

I did not receive these means.

The Prime Minister
should not judge

a Head of State's position
or decision.

He conforms, or steps aside.

That's exactly what I'm doing.

Some of you made it harder for me,

by weakening
the government's solidity,

through different initiatives.

So, I'd like to address my
immense gratitude

to those who have
supported me,

forgetting, for once, the teachings
of General de Gaulle,

who said that those who had the
honor of serving France

don't need medals, or recognition.

Mr. President of the Republic,

it's an honor to tender
the government's resignation.

I accept your resignation.

I thank all of the members
of government here

for their efforts,

but first the Prime Minister,

for everything that he has done.

I'd like to share
a few informal thoughts.

Why did I accept this resignation?

First, because I announced on June 6,

that we'd have new political action
in place in September.

Then, because political
parties' behavior lately

has excessively interfered,

on governmental action,
and finally...

when someone wants to leave...

well, you should accept it,
right?

I couldn't go on.

I really needed to stop.

I loved my work.

I gave it my all,

and I was honored
to have your trust, but...

there was your entourage,
Mr. President.

Your advisors never liked me,

and they engaged in
incessant attacks against me.

Let's not bring that up.

After all, I might not be
made for politics.

I will leave Paris,

meet other people,
more like myself.

The General said that he wanted
a quiet life,

to be a librarian
in a small town.

I'm wondering if I should
open an art gallery.

I always loved paintings.

Well. You might never hear
about me again.

We agree, Jacques.
You better stay tough.

They forced your departure,

but the fact that you're leaving,
gives France hope.

My declaration is clear.

It's the tone that will matter.

They need to understand
that you'll be the only option.

I just tendered my government's

resignation to
the President of the Republic.

I had informed him of my
intentions beforehand.

Indeed, I don't have

what I deem is necessary

to carry out my duties
as Prime Minister.

And given these conditions,
I decided to leave.

Thank you.

I didn't think he'd use
that tone.

He's dangerous now.

They are recreating the Gaullist
movement. I know it.

And it'll take us down,

it'll take you down.

No. No...

I don't think so.

No. I don't think so.

The mayor of Paris, Jacques Chirac,

was in a car accident
yesterday in Corrèze.

Jacques Chirac,

who has fractured his leg,
and vertebras,

was taken to Cochin hospital,
in Paris.

2 weeks later
Cochin Hospital

It's not the stupid name
in the press:

the Cochin address.

It's the earthquake
that it's creating.

I'm fighting Giscard's ideas
on Europe.

I signed this text.

You signed it, but it's not from you.

"Whenever France is debased,

" the foreign parties are at work
with their reassuring voices."

Jacques Chirac
does not talk like that,

and I doubt he
thinks that way.

In terms of Europe, we need
to hit hard, draw attention.

- What Giscard is preparing...
- Jacques.

Your advisors took advantage
of your accident,

and are dragging you down
into an abyss.

I'd rather be honest.

Mr. Juillet and Mrs. Garaud
aren't worthy of serving you.

I already warned you.

But today, I will
be more straightforward.

It's them, or me.

I hear you.

I will let them go.

2 years later

Thank you.

It's a great pleasure to have

the RPR's president,
and Mayor of Paris.

The pleasure is mine.

Our friend Jean Lipkowski
had a great idea.

- How are you?
- Very well.

Come.
I hope he'll be here soon.

You know François Mitterrand
is known for being late.

Go ahead.

When did Houphouët-Boigny
decide

to separate from communism?

It's hard to give a date.

But one day, I felt as though
I'd convinced him.

Sincerity between two men,

it's a strange alchemy,
you know.

I like Chardonne's thought,

which says it all:

"Ties between people
are not at our disposition."

Well. Let's go to the living room,
if you will.

François, if you'd like to stay,
and chat with Jacques...

Are you coming?

Excuse me.

5, 4, 3, 2, 1.

François Mitterrand is elected
President of the Republic.

51.7%.

Valéry Giscard d'Estaing: 48.3%.

Subtitles: Eclair Group