Countdown to War (1989) - full transcript

NARRATOR: Neville Chamberlain, the most popular man in Europe,

the man who saved the peace.

Appeasement is not simply the right policy,

but the only policy if we are to avoid the catastrophe

of another terrible war.

It means conceding the dictators their legitimate demands,

but nothing more.

Until we are re-armed, our position

is one of great anxiety.

Last year in Munich, we let Herr Hitler

have part of Czechoslovakia.

He promised me that that was the end of his territorial claims.

Our only hope of doing business with him

is to take him at his word.

[music playing]

I am going to say something that will be hard to swallow.

But just remember, we have no choice.

The president and foreign minister of Czechoslovakia.

Your Excellency, I thank you for receiving me

at this late hour.

For years, I have followed your ideas with interest

and wanted to meet you.

Your Excellency.

Your Excellency, I am convinced

that the fate of Czechoslovakia is safe in your hands.

You of all men will understand my belief that Czechoslovakia,

now that it has been relieved of its German minority,

has the right to exist as a nation.

President Hacha, you asked to see me.

I regret that I have required you

to undertake this long journey at such short notice.

Your country is disintegrating.

I have decided to restore order.

I have to tell you that it is only a matter of hours

now before German troops arrive in Prague.

The German people do not feel any hatred for the Czechs,

but the only reason that your country was created 19 years

ago was that Britain and France wanted

a weapon against Germany.

Czech governments have repeatedly

sided with my enemies.

I thought I'd put an end to all this

when we got rid of your predecessor last autumn,

but your new regime has made no difference.

So in a few hours time, at 6 o'clock this morning,

the German army will advance from all sides,

and the German air force will occupy Czech airfields.

If the entry of the German troops

takes place satisfactorily, it will be possible

for me to accord your people autonomy,

a generous way of life of their own,

and a measure of national liberty.

But if it comes to a battle tomorrow,

resistance will be broken by force with all available means,

and for me to grant these concessions will be impossible.

By tomorrow, Czechoslovakia will cease to exist.

The world will not move a muscle.

It up to you to prevent the worst.

There are only four hours left.

But how, in the space of four hours,

how can I restrain the whole Czech people?

The military machine now in motion cannot be stopped.

If you want to prevent bloodshed,

you better telephone to Prague at once

and instruct you Minister of War to order the Czech troops

to offer no resistance.

This is the last good turn I can render the Czech people.

[click]

The line to Prague's out of order.

Keep trying it's nearly 3 o'clock.

There isn't much time.

Prague is such a beautiful city.

What a shame if my bombers have to smash it.

Hello?

Hello?

[gasps]

Send for Dr. Marel quickly.

I hope nothing happens to him.

You don't want a dead Czech in chancellery.

It has been a very strenuous day for such an old man.

Dr. Marel gave him an injection.

He's all right now.

He's given instructions to Prague.

I accept this request to take the Czech people

under the protection of the German Reich.

[music playing]

NARRATOR: At the invitation of the President

of Czechoslovakia, German troops today occupied Prague.

The fact is, that state whose frontier

we undertook to guarantee is now completely broken up.

So what do we do?

If we make any protest, Master Hitler

will say that the Czech government invited him in.

Legally, we haven't got a leg to stand on.

Foreign Secretary.

Certainly, Prime Minister.

But as we all accept that the military occupation

of Czechoslovakia is in complete contravention of the Munich

Agreement, wouldn't you agree that it is important to find

language which makes it plain to the House

that Germany is now being led on a dangerous path?

Chancellor.

I think it would not be wise to emphasize

that, Prime Minister.

Your statement should simply make it clear

that we no longer have any obligation,

legal or moral, to the Czechs.

If we couldn't help a much stronger Czechoslovakia

last September, there's plainly no possibility

we can help her now.

Empty threats will mean nothing.

I fear that's true.

Master Hitler has shown that he cannot be

trusted to keep an agreement.

Nevertheless, I have come to the conclusion that for the moment

there is nothing we can do.

The muted statement, I think.

Is that agreed?

Secretary of State for War.

But Prime Minister, isn't there a-- an important

point of principle here?

Hitler's always claimed he's only returning Germans

to their rightful place in the Reich,

but now he's blatantly taken non-Germans.

This is not the moment for the cabinet to discuss the larger

issues, nor is it the time to discuss

fundamental changes in policy.

We are here to discuss what I should

tell the House this afternoon.

And that, I think, is agreed.

Thank you, gentlemen.

NARRATOR: The city of Memel in Lithuania,

close to our German borders.

This Baltic port has for centuries been the dwelling

place of German traders.

A naval force led personally by the Fuhrer, Chancellor

Adolf Hitler, enters Memel.

Only one week after German troops

brought peace to Czechoslovakia, Memel is gloriously

reunited with the Reich.

I was terribly ill for the whole trip.

I hate to admit it, but I'm not a good sailor.

I was kept up half the night on that dreadful ship

waiting for the Lithuanians to make up their minds.

Oh, God, was I seasick.

But it doesn't show.

Does it?

No, no.

No, not at all, Fuhrer.

Most certainly not, Fuhrer.

Certainly not.

Now to come to the point, Lord Halifax is most anxious for me

to see you.

So now, what's this news you can't

publish in your newspaper?

My sources-- and they've been accurate in the past--

urged me to pass it directly to the government.

They tell me that Memel's not the end of it.

Hitler's next target is Poland.

Chancellor, we must act firmly to support her.

And how shall we be firm?

By imposing a Naval blockade on Germany.

That means war.

Yes, sir.

Were you in the last war?

No, I-- no.

I was only 6 when it ended.

Well, I was in the cabinet, and Lord Halifax was

a rather junior backbencher.

And it all, only 20 years ago.

Well, thank you for coming to see me.

I can assure you that any decision that is taken

will be the result of complete agreement

between the Prime Minister and myself,

and of course, the Foreign Secretary.

And can you see yourself out?

I have here the plan you ordered from the SS regarding

the invasion of Poland, to prove to the foreigners

that the Poles are the aggressors

and struck the first blow.

They suggest this.

On the night before we attack, 150 Germans

dressed as Polish soldiers engineer incidents,

provocations along the frontier.

Go on.

These Germans, dressed as Poles,

will seize our own radio station at Gleiwitz and broadcast

anti-Germans slogans--

in Polish, of course.

That's stupid.

The foreign journalists are so biased,

they'll say it's a Nazi trick.

There will be photographs.

Ribbentrop, forgive me.

The SS have gone crazy.

What are they going to do, these pseudo-Polish soldiers,

pose for the cameramen?

No, no, Fuhrer.

It's easier than that.

Some of them will be dead.

These Germans dressed as Poles are going to kill them?

Yes, but it's all right.

The ones we kill will come from concentration camps--

Jews, Communists, convicts, homosexuals.

They will be made to put on the Polish uniforms,

taken to Gleiwitz, and shot beside the radio station.

Oh, I don't know.

The army could give me trouble over this.

They don't like being involved in illegal operations.

That's why the SS will have to do it for you.

I like it.

[music playing]

I am sorry I'm late.

There's a mob outside the German embassy.

it's very nearly a riot.

The police are doing their best, but people are throwing

stones, shouting slogans.

What slogans?

Oh, just a lot of noise.

They're chanting.

What slogans?

They think I'm being too friendly with the Germans,

isn't that it?

Yes, yes.

My friendship with Germany has always paid off.

Hitler has spoken to me man to man, soldier to soldier.

He has never deceived me.

He even told me about his plans to take Czechoslovakia.

I know, Minister.

I was there.

Well, what is this urgent matter you cannot

discuss on the telephone?

I saw Ribbentrop last night.

He wants you to go to Berlin for talks with him

and Hitler, immediately.

I know, Czechoslovakia.

Hacha was summoned to Berlin before the Germans

marched into Prague.

Well, I am not that pathetic old man.

Danzig is obviously Hitler's next target.

I'll tell it to him till I'm blue in the face.

Danzig cannot become a part of German.

Minister, Ribbentrop is insisting upon an answer.

He says if we give up Danzig, he will

compensate us with something from Czechoslovakia.

If we refuse--

Hitler's been marching all across Europe

with a lot of bluff and saber rattling.

Well, that's not enough to overcome Poland.

Hitler knows this.

We won't crumble like the others.

I shall not go to Berlin.

[music playing]

It's so childish, upsetting Ribbentrop.

I like upsetting Ribbentrop.

Did you expect to get away with it?

If I told Ribbentrop I was stopping off to see the Duce,

he'd have tried to stop me.

You know his trouble?

He wants to do everything himself.

Be that as it may, I have asked

Ribbentrop to begin preparations for a solution

to the Polish problem.

From Poland?

This is one of my responsibilities.

Well, you will take holidays.

And Ribbentrop thought you wouldn't want to be disturbed.

Hmm.

Danzig must return to the Reich.

Now, the city where a majority of its citizens are German

is a German city.

Danzig is a strip of flesh cut from the body of Germany.

The Poles have a simple choice.

They can hand it over and retain our friendship,

or we shall invade them.

And then we won't stop at Danzig.

And if-- and if Britain and France come to Poland's aid,

what does Ribbentrop have to say about that?

You leave that to me.

But we're not ready for a war on that scale yet.

I have prepared all my moves skillfully.

Poland will be no different.

Edward Rabb.

How are you, Neville?

How are you, Neville?

Oh I know it sounds ridiculous,

but I am been lying awake, constantly fearful

of a surprise air attack.

The way Hitler's behaving, you can't exclude anything.

Man, indeed, [inaudible] a Mad Dog act, especially

with Ribbentrop egging him on.

I'm sorry, Prime Minister, to raise the subject again,

but perhaps it's time to bring in conscription.

No, Leslie, you have a bee in your Bonnet about that.

Country's not ready for it yet.

Well, gentlemen, as the Americans say,

where do we go from here?

To Poland.

That young journalist and other sources

indicate that Poland is Hitler's next target.

He really can't be allowed to get away with it.

We must issue a warning immediately that if he attacks

Poland, we go to her aid.

It seems a rather heroic act on somewhat

suspect information.

You say, Edward, that if Germany moves against Poland,

we'll be committed to fight?

EDWARD: Exactly.

We must prevent the Germans becoming so powerful they

menace our security.

Perhaps you'd feel better, John, if you

thought of it not so much as saving

Poland as saving ourselves.

JOHN: But you're suggesting we back the Poles unconditionally.

It's tantamount to leaving it to a jumped up second division

European power to decide whether the British Empire should

be involved in war.

It mustn't come to that.

I fervently hope, John, that a firm declaration

of our willingness to support Poland

will deter master Hitler from attack.

He won't want to take on Britain and France as well as Poland.

I propose we offer to guarantee Poland's independence.

But, Prime Minister--

Then we shall need to bring in the Russians.

The poles won't like that.

And I won't disguise my own reluctance.

I profoundly distrust Stalin.

He's a rather unlikely ally to choose to defend democracy.

Indeed, Prime Minister.

A Russian alliance would be a red rag to Hitler

if you'll forgive the pun.

Surely we can find a less provocative device.

I had thought of writing to Mussolini.

He's probably the only person who

can put the brakes on Hitler.

He did before.

We must be careful to avoid anything

which smacks of another Munich.

Oh, on the contrary!

We must use Mussolini to convince

Hitler that our declaration of support for the Poles

is serious.

He's due about now.

Do you want me to stay?

If you wish to.

I do urge you not to press him about the Russians.

Chamberlain isn't ready.

I'm perfectly aware of your view.

Surely it's more important to raise

the question of conscription.

On that, at least you and I agree.

His Excellency, the British ambassador.

Sir Eric.

I hope you come to discuss the alliance with Russia.

No, I've no instructions on that today.

Please.

Mr. Chamberlain would like to have your help

on a different matter.

Is there anything you can do to make Mussolini

better disposed to help us?

What do you want me to do?

Do you want me to surrender French territory?

The Italians are making extravagant claims but--

These men are gangsters!

They end with Hitler up to the hilt.

Mussolini was very helpful over Munich.

Only because he wasn't ready for war.

I'm beginning to regret we didn't

stand our ground at Munich.

Could have stood firm there.

Hitler, Mussolini would have given way.

Now they think they can grab anything they want.

Your Excellency, the end of the week,

we're announcing the call up of 150,000 men.

I apologize for pressing you again,

but please urge your government to do the same.

You can't wait for the war to start.

You must introduce conscription now.

Our trades unions are resisting strongly.

We have convinced are people there's real danger.

It's the job of your politicians to do likewise.

If you can see your way to making some gesture

toward the Italians, my instructions

are to tell you that the prime minister

will announce the introduction of conscription on Wednesday.

You'll see our pledge to the Poles is serious.

My dear, Sir Eric, this is wonderful news.

Oh, please convey our--

Tell Mr. Chamberlain that we are delighted--

truly, truly delighted.

Damn the English!

They will burn in hell for this!

They had their empire.

Why are they poking their noses into Poland?

But how do they think they'll get help to the Poles?

Uh, huh, because they must be confident they

can get an agreement with the Russians, that's how.

I despise the Russians.

Unless-- unless we beat them to it.

You mean deal with the Russians?

HITLER: Why not?

Crawl to the Bolsheviks?

Wait, wait, wait, wait.

Who's to say we can't make a pact with Beelzebub

to drive out the devil?

We need to get a clearer picture of your intentions.

Of course.

And we'll talk in detail after lunch.

But I must say the situation is extremely grave.

A clash between Germany and Poland is inevitable.

Oh, surely he would be patient.

The Poles could be persuaded to concede Danzig.

No.

It's too late for talk.

We want more than that now. We want war.

Italy simply cannot go to war now,

not materially, politically, militarily, or psychologically.

Now we have repeatedly told you we will not be ready for war

until 1942 at the earliest.

[burps]

Pardon me.

I'm sorry.

In Italy, salads are not usually dressed with flour and vinegar.

Well, I must say it does come as something of a surprise to us

that the situation should have become so unexpectedly grave.

Does the Fuhrer have a date in mind?

Yes, within 15 days.

At the latest, by the end of this month.

The advance must be completed before the rains turn Poland

into an impossible swamp.

It could happen at any moment.

The next time they provoke us--

Excuse me I wonder if I can have a glass of mineral water

with gas.

The next time they provoke us, we

will attack and solve the Polish problem once and for all.

Well, that will surely provoke Britain and France

to come to Poland's aid.

This is not just my opinion.

The Duchy feels this very strongly.

I am unshakably convinced that Britain

and France will never fight.

At most, they mostly make some theatrical anti-German gesture.

Absolutely.

Well, they do seem to be turning

for help to the Russians.

I think you may find, Foreign Minister, I have

even that situation in hand.

Please tell the Duchy I consider myself personally fortunate

to be living at a time when apart from myself

there is another statesman alive who will stand out in history

as a great and unique figure.

They're dragging us straight into a World War.

Let's tear up the alliance and throw it in Hitler's face.

And then the rest of Europe will recognize

you, Duchy, as the natural leader

of an anti-German crusade.

No, no.

Honor compels me to march with Germany.

Your prestige is being diminished.

They are making you play the role of second fiddle.

And if Britain does get its alliance with the Russians,

then we have lost this war before it's become.

Yes, yes, you're right.

What do we do?

We declare openly that we have no intention

of participating in a war that we neither wanted nor provoked.

Yes.

No!

They will say the Italians are cowards.

And what if Hitler is right about Britain?

If he gets Poland, there'll be territorial gains for us, too.

We can't change sides now.

We're not prostitutes.

You know, Bill, I do enjoy our lunches.

Isn't it ironic the only person I can really talk to in Paris

is the American ambassador?

So you're still having trouble with Bonnie?

I simply don't trust him.

Fire him.

My government wouldn't last week.

It's too popular.

I shan't survive a war, you know.

The Poles cave in, then the entire German Air Force

would be launched against France,

and our defenses are totally inadequate.

I should be made the scapegoat.

God knows what will happened to me or to my children.

Oh, don't be silly, Edward.

Nothing's going to happen to you.

Bill, I need your advice.

Mmm hmm.

I know how these talks with the Russians

have been dragging on all summer.

Well, now they're asking for a full-blown military alliance.

And Chamberlain may be ready to drop his objection.

That won't be liked in Washington, nor on Wall Street.

As the American ambassador, I should

have to advise the French prime minister against it.

Yeah, I know all that, but what do you really think?

Surely our only hope is if we rope the Russians in.

Threaten Germany with a war on two fronts.

Well, I feel as you do, that in the present situation,

no stone should be left unturned,

even though one might find vermin under it.

So you and the British, you--

you send your generals to Moscow.

Only never forget you're dealing with Stalin.

It's worth a try as long as you're

as unscrupulous as he is.

[march playing]

NARRATOR: Arriving in Moscow a week ago,

the Anglo-French mission had high hopes

of negotiating a military alliance with the Russians.

But the talks have adjourned.

It is not known what is responsible for the impasse.

What?

They want us to do what?

It-- wait a moment, not so fast.

The British and the French want us to agree to the Russian army

entering Polish territory in case we're attacked

by the Germans is unbelievable.

It's outrageous.

If we let them in, they'll never leave.

To hell with the Anglo-French-Soviet treaty.

You're our ambassador.

You tell the English and the French

that it's out of the question.

Well, yes, right let the French send someone in,

and I'll tell him a thing or two.

I'll tell him this--

with the Germans, we may risk losing our freedom.

With the Russians, we lose our souls.

I told you this would happen!

The British should have tied the Poles down "before"

offering their support.

We must get an agreement with the Russians and soon.

There's only one solution if the talks in Moscow

are to continue.

Really?

And that is?

Not to take the Poles' objections too literally.

I know the Polish mind.

When they refuse their assent, what they really mean

is go ahead with the Russians, only we

don't want to know about it, which I have

to tell the Russians the Poles agree and hope

they will believe us.

Well?

The Russians are still stalling, Fuhrer.

There is only one week left.

Invasion set for next Friday.

Has anyone spoken to Stalin?

Stalin?

Our ambassador speaks to Molotov.

Whether Molotov has spoken to Stalin, we don't know.

I will write to Stalin.

Write to Stalin?

Think about it.

He's a pariah.

No civilized head of government has spoken

to him since the revolution.

He's not head of state.

He's not even head of government.

He's just secretary of the Communist Party.

Nobody writes to him.

Brilliant.

I will ask him to receive you the day after tomorrow.

I will write to him man to man, Adolf Hitler to Joseph Stalin.

[chuckles]

For 20 years, we've been the outcast of the world.

But no longer.

Suddenly we have two suitors.

Why?

What game are they playing?

Joseph Vasilievich, you know as well

as I do what Chamberlain really wants,

for you to sit back and see Russia and Germany

tear each other to pieces.

The British and the French won't get their fingers burnt.

They want us to pull their chestnuts out of the fire.

And they have to be careful with everyone.

Yes, the Bourgeois democracies are here reluctantly.

But now the Germans are knocking on the door.

Why?

It could be a plot, of course.

I read Hitler's book "Mein Kampf."

He wants to conquer Russia.

He says so clearly.

The British could be in collusion with the Germans.

Anything's possible.

You never know with these foreigners.

Nothing's ever straightforward.

Look how the French lied to us, saying the Poles

would let our troops in.

I know what we'll do.

We'll continue negotiations with the British and the French.

And while that goes on, you pursue

negotiation with the Germans.

Secretly, of course.

[menacing laugh]

Two suitors.

[menacing laugh]

Why now?

What are they up to?

[footsteps]

Thank you for taking so seriously the instruction

to wear civilian clothes.

I see that some of us have taken it more seriously than others.

[laughter]

Commanders of the Army, Navy, and Air Force,

I have called you together to tell

you the date of the action.

German troops will enter Poland in four days

time at dawn on Saturday, the first step

to gain for the German people their rightful living space.

Until today, our enemy had one more hope, that Russia would

come to the aid of Poland.

I have killed that hope.

Stalin yesterday invited Von Ribbentrop to Moscow.

We wish him well on his historic journey.

[applause]

Gentleman, Fuhrer, I take my leave of you.

Let us thank the Fuhrer and let

us assure him that the armed forces will do their duty.

Heil Hitler.

What I do is made possible because I had the confidence

of the German people.

But I could be eliminated at a time

by a criminal or a lunatic.

That is why now is the hour of Germany's destiny.

What a contrast when we look at the democracies.

There an outstanding personalities

in Britain and France.

I saw them at Munich.

Our enemies are small fry, no masters.

No men of action.

[footsteps]

[laughing]

It is Germany's desire to see German-Soviet relations based

on the high regard our two peoples

have always had for each other.

Do you want to reply first?

No, no, comrade.

You reply.

You alone are entitled to do so.

You talk of the high regard our two people have

always felt for each other.

Foreign minister, for years, we've poured buckets of shit

over each other.

There's no need for us to make fools of ourselves.

We should address at once the question of substance,

namely to define the German and Russian

interests in the territories that lie between us.

I suggest we draw the line here.

For you-- Finland, Estonia, Latvia we must discuss.

Below this line, we take Lithuania.

Now Poland.

We must draw the line of demarcation there carefully.

The Poles are becoming more and more aggressive.

If they provoke a war, it's essential our interests do not

clash.

Foreign Minister, spare me the diplomatic language.

We have agreed in the fate of Poland.

We each take half.

We have, I think, put forward our proposal

for the petition line and the draft final clause.

It has to be in the part of the pact that will be made public.

Yes.

Yes, that is the secret protocol.

[phone ringing]

Yes.

It's going well, Fuhrer, but we still

have one last sticking point.

They want two ports on the Baltic--

Libau and Windau.

What?

Libau and Windau in Latvia.

They're ice free.

That's why they want them.

I can't find them. Oh, yes.

Yes.

I've got them.

Yes, they're welcome to them.

They're welcome.

Anything.

[bulb flashes]

I know how much the German nation loves its Fuhrer.

I should therefore like to drink his health.

I give my word that the Soviet government

will never betray its partner.

The Fuhrer.

The Fuhrer.

The Fuhrer.

I have them now.

I have them.

It's extraordinary.

I've never seen the sky so red.

It looks like a sky of blood.

This time, we won't bring it off without violence.

Just a small war for Poland, enough to make our people

value what they've gained.

For the nation to be strong, to be one behind its fuhrer,

it must be forged in blood.

Yes.

Now Europe is mine.

What Russian behavior.

Without a word.

In the middle of negotiations with us

does rather call into question their good faith, doesn't it,

Edward.

I've written a personal letter to Hitler that our guarantee

to Poland stands.

Where does it really leave us with the Poles?

Where indeed?

This pact now makes it extremely difficult

for us to honor our guarantee.

Yes, there are one or two technical hurdles

to be cleared before the treaty with Poland is actually signed.

Is it not possible to use the delay--

We are committed to Poland to the hilt.

Public opinion is totally behind this.

And what's more, Hitler is about to strike.

His army's under orders to attack

Poland tomorrow or Saturday.

Then we shall have to do something to make

the Poles see sense quickly.

Their rejection of the German claim to Danzig is reckless.

If we signed the treaty, it will only stiffen their resistance,

and then they'll never make any concessions.

We must force them to think again.

It would be a kindness to them in the long run.

We can't suddenly turn away from a friend we've pledged

to help when she's in trouble.

We can't go on making concessions to Hitler.

We have to draw that line somewhere.

The treaty with Poland will be ready to be signed tomorrow.

I take it I go ahead.

Well, it's the futility of it all.

It's so frightful.

After all, we can't save the Poles.

All we can do is carry out a war of revenge,

which could destroy Europe.

However, the idea of our failing to honor our obligations

to Poland is unthinkable.

Our officers are incompetent.

Our equipment is obsolete.

Our air force is useless.

Duchy, you heard the chiefs of staff.

For once, they managed to tell you the truth.

Our arsenals are empty.

We need fewer slogans and more supplies.

I don't know.

I don't know.

How bad is our supply situation?

Well, if Hitler is so keen on war,

then let him make up the deficit.

I have a list here.

It's enough to kill a bull if a bull could read it.

Someone must have made a mistake, a slip of the pen.

Someone's hearing's at fault. These demands are impossible.

We've checked with the Italian embassy.

These are the figures the Duchy says he needs.

All this?

7 million tons of petroleum, 6 million tons

of coal by tomorrow?

Tell the Duchy his requirements cannot be met.

Very well!

I will smash Poland without help.

Of course, you can, Fuhrer.

The British are still bluffing.

With all due respect, they are not.

[phone ringing]

Excuse me, Fuhrer, the press chief.

He says it's urgent.

Yes.

What?

What are you sure?

Chamberlain has just told the British parliament

that he has signed a treaty on mutual assistance

with the Poles.

What is the use of all your embassy

people if I have to learn such things from the press!

Can our troop movements be stopped?

Stopped?

Yes.

Yes, stopped. Stopped.

Can they be stopped?

Some of the units are already on the move.

The army is posed to cross the border at 438--

Can they be stopped!

I suppose.

Yes, I believe they can, Fuhrer.

Issue of the following order--

invasion date postponed.

Further orders follow.

We have to prevent the British from intervening.

[laughing]

Edward, it's good to see you with a smile

on your face for a change.

Yes, I must say for the first time, I'm really optimistic.

We've called Hitler's bluff.

He expected that Russian treaty to frighten us off.

Now that he finds that it hasn't, he's backing away

from his war plans.

I believe we've had the first view of the beaten fox.

[chuckling]

My dear Dahlerus.

Welcome.

It's good to see you again.

Thank you for coming all this way.

Where did they reach you?

At my house in Stockholm.

Once again I need your help.

Only now it's really urgent.

Our situation is serious.

Since Ribbentrop's triumph in Moscow,

he can do no wrong in the Fuhrer's eyes.

I can never even see the Fuhrer alone these days.

Ribbentrop is a warmonger.

He's convinced Hitler that because of our treaty

with Russia, the West will never intervene in Poland.

And you don't agree?

I?

I am a man of peace.

I haven't slaved all these years to gamble everything recklessly

in an unnecessary war.

Besides, the British and French will never let us get away

with another Czechoslovakia.

But what can I do?

I had it all arranged to meet Chamberlain myself.

I had an airplane standing by, but Ribbentrop talked Hitler

into putting a stop to it.

So you must go in my place.

I shall arrange for you to see Chamberlain,

and you really must persuade him that Germany does

want friendship with England.

And if I can't?

Then we'll all hang.

Ambassador, my conscience compels

me to make this final effort.

I want to make a move toward England,

which will be as decisive as the move I made toward Russia.

I must tell you that your pact with Russia in no way

alters my government's standpoint.

We will not go back on our word to Poland.

Poland's provocations have become intolerable.

These Macedonian conditions on our eastern frontier

must be abolished.

Is that a threat?

No.

A protective measure.

Today, thousands of Germans are being slaughtered by the Poles.

England has made an enemy of the man who had wished

to be her greatest friend.

If there are any threats, they come

from the British government.

They want war.

I object to that in the strongest terms.

Mr. Chamberlain has always been a friend of Germany.

What about your war minister, the Jew, Hore-Belisha.

Can't imagine he's our friend.

Surely the proof of Mr. Chamberlain's friendship

is that he's refused to have Churchill in the cabinet.

As you say, the hostile attitude towards Germany

is the work of Jews and does not represent

the will of the British people.

Well, this problem must be solved and will be solved.

And afterwards I want to make England

a large comprehensive offer.

I'm a man capable of great decisions, and in this case,

I will also be capable of great action.

So, Neville, tell your government

I accept the right of the British to their empire,

but also tell them this.

That if ever the need arises, I am

ready to put the full power of the German Reich

at its service.

That's enough.

I am by nature an artist.

When the Polish question's settled,

I should like to return to my work

of creating things of beauty.

I'm not really a politician at all.

I beg you to urge your government

to take my offer to guarantee the British empire seriously.

If you wish to fly to London for consultations about this,

I shall be happy to put an airplane at your disposal.

So let me say with confidence, Hehr Hitler is sincere.

Well, thank you very much for all your trouble, Mr. Dahlerus.

Thank you very much for seeing me, Prime Minister.

What on earth do you think of that?

Another of master Hitler's tricks?

Trying to use a neutral swing to make

us take these offers seriously.

We want not to dismiss Hitler's offer out of hand.

He's merely asking for Danzig, which, after all,

is only a city of Germans.

If that's all it takes to avoid a war,

it's a rather good bargain.

I find that extraordinary.

Well, I doubt whether any other terms would secure peace.

If we want to induce him to forfeit his wish

to destroy the Poles, to pocket his pride,

and to send his army home, we have to give him something.

Don't you understand, Raab.

The time for appeasement is over.

I pledge my support to the British Emperor.

This is my last magnanimous offer to England.

Hehr Dahlerus, you know England well.

I do this in oath.

Your Excellency, in my opinion, it seems to me

the difficulties arise out of a lack of confidence

in you and your government.

Idiots.

I never told a lie in my life.

If there should be war, I will build

U-boats, U-boats, U-boats.

I'll build airplanes, airplanes, airplanes.

War doesn't frighten me.

If there should be no butter, I will be the first to stop

eating butter.

Hehr Dahlerus, you know my side of the argument.

I don't think the British ambassador understood me.

Must return to England and explain my generous offer

to the British government.

Sir Neville, everybody has seen your telegrams

and I thought it right the whole cabinet

should have the opportunity of questioning you directly.

Yes.

Sir Neville, in your opinion, does

Hitler have any doubts that if he invaded Poland,

we would make war on him?

I think no reasonable person could now

have any doubt on that subject.

Do you think that if we could persuade

the Poles to enter into direct negotiations with Germany,

that might avoid war?

I believe it might.

But the ordinary German does not want war.

I'm convinced that the alliance with Russia

is deeply unpopular with them.

Do you have much contact with the ordinary Germans,

Sir Neville?

My butler is a German.

Sir Neville, when you return to Berlin,

please make it clear to Hitler that we stand by the Poles.

But we will do our utmost to persuade them to negotiate.

[laughing]

You should have heard Henderson.

I am able to give you, Excellency,

a definite assurance that the Poles

are prepared to negotiate.

Britain is taking the bait.

We've knocked them out of the gate.

And the French won't do anything without them.

Now we have to bring off nothing less than a masterpiece

of diplomacy.

I spent all the night thinking about it.

I still think we are simply wasting time by negotiating.

And time is short.

No, no, no, I will accept the British proposals

for negotiations with the parliament.

But I will make two minor conditions.

First, I will ask for a plebiscite

of the population of Danzig.

Everybody knows that the majority are Germans

and that they will vote to join Germany.

That's so reasonable, Britain will have to accept.

Poland will reject.

The split will be wide open and the Anglo-Polish alliance

will be finished.

It's such a gamble.

Can we drop this all-or-nothing game?

All my life, I've played for all or nothing.

But all this takes time.

Wait until you hear the second condition.

It's a real inspiration.

I will give the Poles one day to send a plenipotentiary.

Just one day.

They'll never accept that.

And if they do--

if they do accept it, the timetable will run as follows.

On the 30th of August, the Poles will arrive.

On the 31st, we will present our proposals, which they

will find impossible to accept.

And on the 1st of September, the military invasion

takes place as planned.

Britain and France will do nothing.

Either way, it's [cutting sound]..

But this reads very much like an ultimatum.

The Poles are being given barely 24 hours

to prepare their negotiating position,

choose their plenipotentiary, and get into Berlin.

I must launch a formal protest.

How long would it take for a Pole

to fly from Warsaw to Berlin?

90 minutes, no more.

My soldiers are asking me, yes or no?

My army and air force are ready to strike.

The Polish plenipotentiary must be

in Berlin by midnight tomorrow, Wednesday, 30th of August.

We've just had a telegram from Berlin.

Ribbentrop has sent for Henderson.

What time is the meeting?

Midnight.

Is this finally it, I wonder?

Yes.

Huh.

Curious, isn't it?

Usually there are endless red boxes.

Now when I need distracting, my people

can find me nothing to do.

Your time is up.

Where is the Pole your government

is supposed to provide?

It is unreasonable to expect the British government

to produce a Polish envoy in Berlin within 24 hours.

His Majesty's government has made

representations to Warsaw to prevent

further frontier incidents.

We urge Germany to adopt the same policy.

The Poles are the aggressors, not we.

You've come to the wrong address.

We also urge you to give your proposals

to the Polish ambassador.

No.

We're not dealing with messenger boys.

We don't have time for all the delays that entails.

The Polish government must send a senior negotiator

with full powers.

Then we will hand them our proposal.

I have one or two further points.

My government urges both the German

and the Polish governments to refrain from troop movements

during the negotiations.

That's an unheard of suggestion.

Have you anything else to say?

The British government possesses information

to the effect that Germany is committing

acts of sabotage in Poland.

That's a damned lie of the Polish government.

I can only tell you the situation is damned serious.

You have just said damned twice.

That is not a word for a statesman to use.

What did you say?

I have here 16 points, which were

drawn up as the basis for our negotiation with the Poles.

I will read them to you.

I should like a copy of that text to send to my government.

No.

I cannot hand you these proposals.

I'm sorry.

I must have misheard.

I asked you for a copy of that text to send to my government.

No.

It's out of date, since the Polish envoy has not arrived

and the midnight deadline has passed.

Let me make sure I understand.

He wouldn't give you the 16 points

but you think he might give them to me.

And you want me to call on Ribbentrop now?

Yes.

His deadline lapsed at midnight but he might give you

the proposals if you went now.

It's out of the question without instructions

from my government.

NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN: Then contact them immediately.

It's 2 o'clock in the morning.

Oh my god, don't you understand?

We shall be at war within a few hours.

OFFICIAL: Look, if you stand by your pledge to support us,

it will be folly for Hitler to invade.

If he's mad enough to do so anyway,

his generals will overthrow him.

Sir.

Calm down, Sir Neville.

Get some sleep.

RADIO ANNOUNCER: We interrupt this program

with an important news flash.

In the past few minutes, news has come in of an attack

by Polish troops across the German frontier

near the Gleiwitz radio station, indiscriminately

killing German frontier police who opposed the intruders.

Several Polish soldiers were also killed.

Fierce fighting continues.

Hello?

Hello?

Cut the lines.

[bombing, shooting]

In the early hours of the morning,

the German attack began on several Polish cities.

At 9:00, Warsaw was hit by high explosives

and incendiary bombs.

The German excuse for the invasion,

the alleged Polish seizure of a radio station at Gleiwitz,

was described by the Polish authorities

as a tissue of lies.

As their people fled shattered homes,

the Polish government called on Britain and France

to honor their treaty of guarantee

with immediate military assistance.

Oh, very well.

I'll speak to him.

I've seen Hehr Hitler and field-marshal Goering.

Hitler says he wants further discussions

with your government.

And if you agree, he wants me to come to London again.

Mr. Dahlerus, any discussion while Germany is invading

Poland is out of the question.

The only way in which a war can be stopped is for German troops

to be immediately withdrawn.

I must get across to the House with the statement.

When I get back, I shall need to speak to the Italians

and to Bonnet.

Everything we do now has to be absolutely

coordinated with the French.

Without them, we may find ourselves fighting

the Germans on our own.

18 months ago, in this House, I

prayed that it would not fall upon me

to ask the country to accept the awful arbitrament of war.

I fear that now I may not be able to avoid this.

The responsibility for this terrible catastrophe

lies on the shoulders of one man, the German Chancellor.

[shouts of agreement]

He has not hesitated to plunge the world into misery

and serve his own senseless ambitions.

And I do not propose to say many words tonight.

The time has come when action is required.

[shouts of agreement]

The German government has been informed

that unless it is prepared to withdraw promptly

from Polish territory, His Majesty's government,

without hesitation, will fulfill its obligations to Poland.

[shouts of agreement]

Now it only remains for us to set our teeth

and to enter upon the struggle.

[shouts of agreement]

Tell the Poles we are ready to help them.

I want to cable the ambassador in Warsaw

to tell the Polish government that if they

were to ask for supplies, we would react favorably.

Until we find out if we really have backed the right horse,

there is no harm in a little insurance policy.

I beg your pardon.

You heard.

Don't look so shocked.

Yes, a conference.

The-- the Duce is proposing a conference for next Tuesday.

All relevant powers to attend.

We must do something about this Polish-German situation

before we all get dragged into the conflict.

Please convey to the Duce Mr. Chamberlain's

deepest appreciation for all his efforts to find a solution.

But speaking personally, I can't see

us attending a conference while German troops

are on Polish soil.

[stuttering] Could you put it to Mr. Chamberlain?

I have reason to believe the French

may not be averse to the idea.

I don't see how we can refuse this conference.

It's the last hope of avoiding a war that

could lead to the death of millions of Frenchmen,

wreak devastation on French soil,

and even imperil Western civilization itself.

I, for one, would rather resign than accept.

It's perfectly obvious they're angling

for a-- a second Munich.

The British have not ruled it out.

Liar.

The British won't attend a conference

unless the Germans withdraw.

So there's absolutely no point in pursuing it.

We must show that every avenue to peace has been exhausted.

If the price of avoiding a war in which thousands

of French children will die is a little piece of Poland,

so be it.

Maybe Danzig will have to be sacrificed.

As it is, all we're being asked is

to delay our deadline for a few hours, for a few days.

What does it matter?

Actually, from a military point of view,

some delay would be a godsend.

The evacuation of women and children

is not progressing as quickly as we'd hoped.

We need another 48 hours.

[sigh]

The Duce is suggesting a standstill of troops.

This conference could be exactly what we need.

I'm not coming to any conference

with ultimatums hanging over me.

But Fuhrer, the notes you've had

from the British and the French are not ultimatums.

No time limit has been mentioned.

All right.

Tell the Duce if I'm to come to this conference,

you must give me until Sunday evening

to make my preparations.

You see, this will give us some time.

And when the conference takes place, if it ever does,

we'll have Poland on our leash.

We must take these French difficulties seriously.

How long can we delay issuing a final ultimatum?

We want to do it now.

They have asked for two more days.

The prime minister and I have drafted a compromise, a reply

to the Italians accepting Mussolini's proposed

conference, but only on the basis

of a withdrawal of German troops from Polish soil, of course.

And agreeing to extend the time limit until noon tomorrow.

It's too for compromises.

The public don't understand these fine distinctions.

The difference between the last warning you

issued yesterday, Prime Minister, and the ultimatum

we are discussing today.

As far as they are concerned, we should be at war already.

I'm sorry, Prime Minister.

We must go to war tonight.

If we delay, we will face a public outcry.

We certainly must not press the national consensus

we have created.

But any split between us and the French

will be exploited ruthlessly by Hitler.

Prime Minister, the dictators make demand after demand.

If we hesitate now, we shouldn't be faced

with war in a year's time.

I oppose any delay past midnight.

Yes.

The Germans have been known to ask others to make

their mind up quickly enough.

Give them until midnight tonight.

No longer.

[sounds of agreement]

Clearly, the cabinet is unanimous.

There will be an announcement in both Houses

this evening that unless Hitler agrees

by midnight to accept our conditions, we will be at war.

Now clear it with the French.

Has there been any reply from the Germans?

- We're waiting. - Are we at war or not?

- Sorry. - Is it true that Poland--

I'm sorry.

You've got to put an end to all these rumors, Chancellor.

There will be a statement later.

What's happening?

The statement is being postponed.

The French seem to be taking Mussolini's

conference idea seriously.

Well, well, well.

Has Mussolini snatched the brand from the fire yet again?

Chancellor, is the PM going to issue an ultimatum?

There will be a statement later.

MAN: The prime minister.

The warning message, which I read to the House yesterday,

was delivered at half past nine.

No reply has yet been received from the German government.

His Majesty's government will be bound

to take action unless German troops are withdrawn

from Polish territory.

[shouting]

As to the limit of time within which it would be necessary

for us to know whether the German government was prepared

to effect a withdrawal, we are still in communication

with the French government.

[shouts of disagreement]

Speak for England.

[shouting]

MAN: (ANGRILY) Speak for England.

This is indeed a grave moment.

I believe the whole House is perturbed

by the Right Honourable Gentleman's statement.

I am deeply disturbed.

An act of aggression took place 38 hours ago.

I wonder how long we are prepared to vacillate at a time

when Britain and all that Britain stands for

are in peril.

[shouts of agreement]

What's the point in having a cabinet

if the French can overrule it?

They were all geared up for an ultimatum

and all they said was, we're still talking to the French.

We're in real trouble and so is the old man.

Yesterday he had them eating out of his hand.

Today they're paying for his blood.

In 30 years in the House, I've never seen such a switch.

You must tell him, John.

You've been the closest to him on this.

It's you he'll listen to.

Now I really am worried.

His political judgment has always been so good.

I'm sorry to disturb you like this, Prime Minister,

but we wanted to catch you before you

went back to Number 10.

Our colleagues would like to hear from you, personally,

why so grave a variation from the cabinet decision

has been announced without a reference back to the cabinet.

I do apologize, John.

Gentlemen, since the cabinet finished,

Edward and I have been on the telephone

to Paris constantly, continuously.

Now Prime Minister, the cabinet was unanimous.

We should issue an ultimatum to expire by midnight.

This just looks like dithering.

I'm afraid the French have just flatly

refused to agree to midnight.

They say the Germans will immediately

start bombing Paris.

We will have the blood of French children on our hands.

Why are they so behind on their evacuation?

They must have seen this coming.

It looks to us as though Bonnet is trying

to rat and take us with him.

I do not see how we can go to war without the French.

We'd be very exposed.

Am I right, Chancellor?

I'm sorry, Prime Minister.

I sympathize with your difficulties,

but I'm afraid I agree with our colleagues.

I believe you cannot ignore the fact

that the House and the country demand action now.

Mr. Bonnet wants us to ask Hitler

to make a symbolic withdrawal, to move back just a few miles.

You must be joking.

And uh, don't bother to wake the Duce.

The delay your government insists on

is totally unacceptable to us.

And I must tell you, Ambassador--

Yes?

The Chancellor of the Exchequer is here, sir.

No, don't go.

I want you to hear this.

Yes, Chancellor.

Yes, yes, go on, John.

I've come from the House.

Prime Minister, the cabinet really is in revolt. I'm sorry.

I have to tell you, your position is being challenged.

The French are now suggesting we delay having our ambassadors

in Berlin deliver the ultimatum to Ribbentrop

until noon tomorrow, to expire some hours later.

It won't do.

But the difference is only a few hours.

Even Sunday is much earlier than we think suitable

for actual belligerency.

The House of Commons meets at noon tomorrow.

The Prime Minister must announce either

that Hitler is withdrawing or that war has begun.

NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN: We must now decide

to risk having to declare war in advance of the French

or meet the House at noon with the ultimatum still unexpired.

I think, Prime Minister, you know our view.

I propose, then, to instruct our ambassador

to deliver a note at nine tomorrow

morning requiring a reply by 11:00 AM.

Does anyone disagree?

Right, gentlemen.

This means war.

To suspend all aggressive action against Poland

and withdraw German troops from Polish soil by 11 o'clock,

British Summer Time.

A state of war will exist between Germany and Great

Britain.

What now?